Introduction

Our contemporary era is inherently visual, shaped and perpetuated by the pervasive influence of the media (Goldberg, 1999). The interpretation of news events is influenced by media framing, which encompasses identifiable patterns of selecting, emphasizing, and excluding elements (Gitlin, 1980). Examples of framing devices include metaphors, exemplars, catchphrases, depictions, and visual images (Gamson and Lasch, 1983). Mass media play a proactive role in establishing the frames of reference that individuals use when interpreting and engaging in discussions about public events (Tuchman, 1978).

This paper investigates the intricate landscape of media framing concerning Saudi Arabian women within the framework of the recent national development plan, Vision 2030. This vision is underpinned by three pillars, emphasizing the cultivation of national pride and identity through a vibrant society, a thriving economy, and an ambitious nation. Within this framework, women are acknowledged as pivotal to realizing the vision of transitioning from an oil-based economy to a knowledge-based one (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 2016). The belief is firmly held that the national development plan’s success is contingent upon women’s active participation. Al-Tamimi, deputy president of Saudi Arabia’s Human Rights Commission, has stated that “women in the Kingdom are currently experiencing a golden age, with opportunities expanding at a more dramatic pace than at any other point in the country’s history” (Malek, 2022a, para 13).

In an age inundated with images, often described as “a picture culture” (Goldberg, 1999, p 203), the utilization of visuals in news media becomes a compelling force. These images captivate viewers, drawing them toward the accompanying text. In this dynamic interplay, viewers actively construct and reconstruct their perceived realities and interpretations of issues and events through the lens of media images (Zamith, 2023). Beyond their aesthetic appeal, images wield a unique power to convey ideas that language alone may struggle to articulate. As Machin and Mayr (2012) suggested, the inherent ambiguity of images allows producers to claim a suggestive quality open to various interpretations.

This ambiguity serves as a segue into the concept of media framing, defined as the “central organizing idea or storyline that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events” (Gamson and Modigliani, 1989, p 143). The roots of framing trace back to Goffman’s 1974 work, which focused on how the context and organization of messages influence the audiences’ and readers’ thoughts and actions. In exploring these elements, this paper aims to unravel the intricate dynamics of media framing and its implications in shaping perceptions, particularly regarding Saudi Arabian women and the transformative Vision 2030 initiative.

Theoretical framework

Framing theory

Framing theory in journalism encompasses the strategic approach and organization of a story. Journalists wield framing to influence the delivery and perception of their message. Entman (1993, p 52) articulated the primary aim of framing: “to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described”. Entman (1991), a pioneering framing theorist, delineated two fundamental frame types. News frames encapsulate the intrinsic characteristics of news and how journalists or news outlets represent it to the audience. Concurrently, audience frames pertain to the mental principles individuals store for information processing. The former dictates the composition, language, and tonality of news representation, while the latter underscores the cognitive frameworks that individuals employ in interpreting news, thereby revealing the intricate interplay between journalistic presentation and audience perception.

Media frames function as instrumental tools for simplifying and subsequently conceptualizing complex events or issues. The process of creating these frames typically involves four distinct steps, although neutral news pieces may not encompass all of them. Initially, the journalist engages in diagnosing the problem, followed by defining and naming the issue at hand. Subsequently, the journalist delves into the identification of possible causes or driving forces. Following this, a moral evaluation of the situation is conducted, discerning its ethical dimensions as good or bad, right or wrong. In the final step, the journalist offers recommendations or makes comments on potential solutions, akin to treatments, for the identified problem. The culmination of these steps results in the formation of a media frame, which is often presented as a combination of images or graphics accompanied by text (Entman, 1993).

Media frames typically find themselves embedded in at least four key locations within the communication process: the communicator, text, receiver, and culture (Entman, 1993). Respectively, the communicator serves as the active agent, making framing judgments, be it consciously or unconsciously, to determine how a message should be conveyed. These judgments are often influenced by a specific frame closely tied to the communicator’s beliefs and values. Secondly, the text itself comprises frames that are discernible through “the presence or absence of certain keywords, stock phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information, and sentences that provide reinforcing clusters of facts or judgments” (Entman, 1993, p 52).

Moving forward, the third locus in the communication process involves frames delivered by the communicator via the text, which influences the receiver’s thinking. As Entman emphasized, the receivers’ mental frameworks may or may not align with the frames present in the text or “the framing intention of the communicator” (1993, p 52). Finally, culture represents a repository of “common frames” shared among individuals within a social group and evident in their thought processes and language. The overarching function of these four framing locations is characterized by “selection and highlighting,” which is a process instrumental in constructing a specific message and rendering it “noticeable, meaningful, or memorable to audiences” (Entman, 1993, p 53).

Media frames, then, function as a discursive tool, assisting audiences and readers in constructing meaning and comprehending a particular facet of reality. These frames selectively draw attention to certain aspects of reality while obscuring others, potentially eliciting diverse reactions from audiences (Entman, 1993). The media’s power to guide audience and readers’ attention and mold their perceptions has been the subject of scholarly inquiry (Fahmy and Alkazemi, 2017). It is worth mentioning that framing theory has traditionally focused on textual content (Berger, 1998), often overlooking the examination of images, despite their integral role in news frames and their symbolic significance and powerful messaging (Mandell and Shaw, 1973). In this context, “images are powerful framing tools because they are less intrusive than words and, as such, require less cognitive load” (Rodriguez and Dimitrova, 2011, p 50). Consequently, audiences and readers often display greater receptivity to visual images compared to textual information (Ferguson, 2001). As Entman (1993) argued, the mere inclusion of photographs serves as a manifestation of visual framing. Indeed, a pivotal aspect in the analysis of visual framing is the prevalence of visual depictions.

Visual framing is a powerful form of media frame that controls the “audience’s understanding of and attitudes toward a topic or issue, [thereby] influencing the realities those audience members construct” (Zamith, 2023, p 34). Subsequently, individuals incorporate this sensemaking process into their engagement with the given issue. Our study examined how Saudi newspapers framed women’s involvement in nation-building and economic development within the framework of Vision 2030 through published images (KSA, 2016).

Research questions

As Saudi women scholars and citizens, our investigation was prompted by the notable surge in images featuring Saudi women since the 2016 launch of Vision 2030. We believe that this signals a marked departure from pre-vision narratives. In seeking clarity, our research questions queried: How do local newspapers visually portray Saudi women? What messages are conveyed by the contemporary media frames surrounding Saudi women? Additionally, we aimed to judge the compatibility of these images, or media frames, with Vision 2030’s empowerment objectives to enhance the likelihood of realizing its three pillars. Through this exploration, we aspired to unravel the intricate dynamics of visual representations, decipher the embedded messages, and assess their resonance with Vision 2030’s overarching goals for the empowerment of Saudi women.

Literature review

Empowering Saudi Women: Vision 2030 Initiatives

The Vision 2030 initiative (KSA, 2016), initiated by King Salman bin Abdulaziz and led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, represents a comprehensive plan for Saudi Arabia’s development. One noteworthy aspect of this transformative initiative is its commitment to providing increased job opportunities for women. Aligned with the broader goals of economic diversification and reducing dependence on the oil industry, the national development plan emphasizes the creation of an inclusive environment that actively supports and encourages women to assume more prominent roles across various workforce sectors. Such reforms, as stated by Al-Tamimi, “have been implemented to incentivize women to enter the labor market and also to protect their rights, from freedom of mobility and travel to anti-harassment laws and regulations” (Malek, 2022b, para 14).

Notably, the initiative has successfully facilitated women’s participation in leadership positions, enabled their involvement in diverse work sectors, granted visibility in public spaces, and granted them the right to drive (Alraddadi et al, 2024; Altohami and Salama, 2019). This encapsulates the Kingdom’s dedication to offering expanded opportunities for women and signifies a paradigm shift toward enhanced gender inclusivity and empowerment. The recognition of women as “key members of Saudi society with a prominent and tangible role in advancing national development” (Alghamdi et al. 2022, p 196) underscores the pivotal role assigned to women in contributing to the nation’s overall progress and prosperity. Vision 2030 begins to address gender equality by acknowledging women’s immense potential and capabilities as invaluable contributors to Saudi Arabia’s socio-economic development.

The nation’s progress is intricately intertwined with women’s progress and empowerment, leading to a surge in diverse opportunities for women across various sectors of society (Al-Rashdi and Abdelwahed, 2022; Elyas and Aljabri, 2020; Muhammad, 2020; Rajab, 2019). These opportunities signify a concerted effort to integrate women into the workforce and “maximize their participation in an effective development process” (Alghamdi et al. 2022, p 199). Underlining the significance of women’s empowerment in the broader context of national development, the National Transformation Program has prioritized initiatives geared toward fostering the country’s transformation and advancement (Alajlan, 2019). The strategic focus on women’s empowerment not only aligns with societal inclusivity but also serves as a catalyst for the nation’s overall progress and enhancement of its socio-economic landscape.

In the wake of substantial policy changes and the consequent advancement of women across diverse sectors of Saudi society and the economy over the last seven years, a critical examination of media coverage becomes imperative. Expanding upon Shoemaker and Reese’s (1996) assertion that news content is a social construct rather than an objective portrayal of reality, Dastgeer and Gade (2016) proposed that visual images incorporated in news content mirror the values of the individual responsible for its creation. In this sense, it becomes essential to scrutinize how media outlets frame narratives surrounding Saudi women, both in terms of existing representations and emerging perspectives.

Our study holds particular significance as media framing plays a pivotal role in shaping public perceptions of reality and influencing attitudes toward the evolving role of women in Saudi Arabia. The context of Vision 2030 adds complexity to this scrutiny (Zamith, 2023). By delving into the intricacies of media framing, valuable insights can be gained into the portrayal of Saudi women, which involves deciphering narratives that are accentuated or marginalized. This examination is not only crucial for understanding local perspectives but also for comprehending how media depictions of the ongoing transformations in the country may shape international perceptions.

Historical media coverage of Saudi women

Western media’s historical portrayal of Middle Eastern women, in particular Muslim women, has often depicted them as victims in need of rescue and modernization (Wilkins, 1995). The term Orient (Said, 1978) has been used to refer to Middle Eastern bodies. It carries connotations of the East as inferior to the West and labeled as “others”—an idea frequently reinforced by unexamined stereotypical images. This representation of the Orient often characterizes women as “feminine, perpetually veiled, seductive, and dangerous” (Yeğenoğlu, 1998, p 12). Western media commonly portray Middle Eastern women as unattractive, uneducated, and marginalized, portraying them as submissive nonentities within male-dominated societies (Shaheen, 2000).

In an examination of photographs featuring Middle Eastern women published in The New York Times between July 1991 and June 1993, Wilkins (1995) found that women were consistently portrayed as “passive, veiled victims” (Mishra, 2007, p 64). This depiction rendered veiled women devoid of agency. It reduced them to a status akin to children who, as Wilkins (1995, p 265) noted, were positioned as needing to “watch and learn from others”.

This lens perpetuated a narrative that undermined the autonomy and complexity of Middle Eastern women, thus contributing to a longstanding, skewed understanding in Western media. This persistent media portrayal not only generalizes the diverse experiences of women in the region but also perpetuates stereotypes that undermine their agency and complexity.

In addition, Western media has consistently fixated on the portrayal of the veil, including the Hijab, Niqab, and Abaya, interpreting it as a symbol of women’s oppression (Abu-Lughod, 2002; Ahmed, 1992; Cloud, 2004; Fernea, 1998; Shirazi, 2000; Steet, 2000). Hirschmann (1997) contended that, from a Western feminist standpoint, the veil is often seen as a symbol of inequality, domestic violence, and oppression. This visual artifact has taken center stage in shaping the imagery and representation of the female body in the Middle East.

Saudi women in particular have frequently been framed in media narratives as weak, submissive, and oppressed (Bashatah, 2017; Falah, 2005; Guta and Karolak, 2015; Mishra, 2007). Furthermore, Arab women, with a specific emphasis on Saudi women, have been consistently portrayed as silent sufferers subject to male domination and patriarchal structures (Al-Malki et al. 2012). Al-Malki et al. (2012) provided a nuanced perspective on the Arab media’s portrayal of female stereotypes. They argued that while passive representations of women remained prevalent, the media also depicted women in active roles. In this context, women were presented not just as subjects but as agents of change, challenging and expanding the narrative beyond traditional stereotypes.

The latter is exemplified in how the media’s visual depiction of Saudi women has undergone significant transformation in recent years, mirroring shifts in societal norms and government initiatives. Previously, the veiling of Saudi women was often framed as a symbol of oppression. Feminist perspectives have contested this portrayal by critiquing its tendency to “conceptualize non-Western cultural identities as static and ahistorical” (Guta and Karolak, 2015, p 115).

Our objective was to systematically document the portrayal of Saudi women in media images post Vision 2030 by examining how the mainstream media currently frames Saudi women in comparison to historical messaging and communication. The exploration sought to uncover various facets of Saudi women’s realities that find representation in media outlets. Recognizing the significance of these images and their framing is crucial, as they have the potential to challenge stereotypical views associated with the Orient. Moreover, they play a pivotal role in shaping audiences and readers’ perceptions and understanding regarding the actual lives of Saudi women.

Methodology

This qualitative study adopted a visual analysis approach to delve into the media framing of Saudi women across mainstream newspapers and other platforms in Saudi Arabia. Our emphasis lies in the detailed description of newspaper images, which we achieved by following Rodriguez and Dimitrova’s (2011) denotative system of visual framing. Our systematic and meticulous approach to data analysis aimed to offer a detailed illustration of Saudi women’s portrayal in various media outlets, thereby contributing to a more comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted dynamics at play in the representation of women in the Saudi context.

Researcher reflexivity

We acknowledge the reality of researchers’ bias but advise that steps were taken to mitigate it through researcher reflexivity. Acknowledging bias enhances a study’s trustworthiness by clarifying values, beliefs, intent, and thought processes. Reflexivity requires transparency, allowing others to understand the researcher’s perspective. While biases cannot be eliminated, they can be made explicit (Watt, 2007).

All authors are Saudi women who fully support Vision 2030’s position on women’s empowerment. While we have a vested interest in this issue, we are also responsible scholars committed to critically accounting for our positionality–that is, our perspectives and their underlying reasons. As detailed in the following section, we established and adhered to clear inclusion criteria and, when relevant, anchored our data interpretation in our positionality.

Data collection

The images selected for visual analysis were collected over a 6-month period, ranging from April to September 2023, but encompassing a broader temporal scope from March 2022 onwards. We chose this time frame because we felt seven years was sufficient time for evidence of shifting perceptions and realities for Saudi women relative to Vision 2030. Employing the Google search engine, we conducted a thorough exploration across various online platforms including (a) prominent Saudi newspapers published in English such as the Arab News and Saudi Gazette, (b) government websites and official venues and (c) social media outlets like X. As a caveat, relying on national newspapers is not biased because the entire study is about media framing. Government websites were also appropriate as they publish news releases (media). This multifaceted approach ensured a diverse and comprehensive compilation of images and captured a detailed representation for a thorough visual analysis.

Regarding criteria for inclusion, our selection process focused on sourcing images showcasing Saudi women in professional settings outside the traditional realms of medicine and teaching, where they have historically been employed due to once-strict gender segregation rules (Jalabi, 2021; Mishra, 2007; Wilkins, 1995). Specifically, we targeted portrayals of women in traditionally male-dominated fields, government careers, and leisure/sport activities. Additionally, we deliberately sought media framings that provided updates on government initiatives supporting women, considering the associated images as integral data points. We accepted these media framings as evidence of Saudi women’s empowerment, which is a notable shift given the historical challenges in publicly publishing women’s photos. This emerging trend in media framing reflects a transformative narrative.

To refine the sample frame, we meticulously eliminated any repeated images. Inclusion in the final sample required images to depict Saudi women engaged in diverse careers recently made accessible to them. Furthermore, selected images had to incorporate keywords emphasizing changes in the roles of Saudi women in the social and economic spheres: “empowerment,” “leadership,” “transformation,” and “entrepreneurs”. More importantly, selected images were expected to shed light on new labor market opportunities available to women.

Beyond career diversity, our inclusion criteria required that the images distinctly visualize women’s bodies, whether fully or just their face. We accepted images portraying women wearing uniforms, indicative of their respective profession such as military and policing. Other images featured veiled women or those wearing traditional abaya and headscarf. Despite the diverse outer appearances, we judged these images as collectively symbolizing women’s empowerment and portraying the ongoing transformation of Saudi society.

Sample frame

During the data collection process, N = 80 images were identified. However, for the specific focus of this paper on news framing, we carefully narrowed the final sample frame to N = 30 images sourced exclusively from Saudi newspaper venues. The images, available in the Appendix with copyright permissions secured, were meticulously selected using URL nodes and tags related to Saudi Arabia, women, sports, and business/economy. Notably, we prioritized images from the Saudi English-language newspapers to enhance accessibility for readers who are not proficient in Arabic. All visuals vividly portray Saudi women actively participating in various professions that have become accessible since the initiation of Vision 2030. In doing so, they serve to illuminate the emerging opportunities for women within the evolving Saudi labor market landscape.

The limitations of a small purposive sample size for generalized findings are acknowledged, but we are confident that the final sample generated the data needed to answer the research questions (Ary et al. 2010). In addition, 30 images are rendered sufficient, as the “power in qualitative research comes from thick and dense descriptions of lived experiences, social processes, cultures, and narrative accounts” (McGregor, 2018, p 240).

Data analysis

Rodriguez and Dimitrova (2011) proposed a comprehensive four-tiered system of visual framing: denotative systems, stylistic-semiotic systems, connotative systems, and ideological representations. Our research design strategically embraced their denotative system, thereby aligning with Barthes’ (1972) concept of denotation, which emphasizes the literal or primary meaning of visual elements. In adopting this approach, we provided minute descriptions of individuals or actions depicted in the images, thus allowing for a nuanced understanding of their contextual significance. Building upon Van Leeuwen’s (2003) guidance, we introduced context to establish a plausible level of generality for interpretation, thus recognizing the inherent intention of text producers to convey specific messages to targeted audiences.

Acknowledging Van Leeuwen’s (2003) advice and Entman’s (1993) and Lester’s (2006) constraints, our analysis concentrated on news frames rather than audience frames (i.e., how readers or viewers interpret the image). We focused on the organization, style, content, and source of the image. Style considerations encompassed the creator’s intended attitude and the emotions elicited in viewers—in this case, the researchers—while maintaining respect for researcher reflexivity. Content evaluation examined newspaper headlines featuring images, along with captions and accompanying text. Source analysis assessed the publisher and the neutrality of their position (Alfano and O’Brien, 2004; Arola et al. 2014).

Combining our denotative visual framing analysis with assessment of style, content, and source, we gained valuable insights that facilitated a comprehensive response to our research questions. This methodology enabled us to decode the intricate interplay between visual elements and the messages conveyed within the context of media framing. We anticipate that it will provide valuable insights into the portrayal of Saudi women in the media and its alignment with Vision 2030’s goals.

Findings and discussion

The images presented showcase Saudi women engaged in diverse professions, including the military, technology, science and research, journalism, business (with a notable emphasis on small and medium-sized entrepreneurship [SMEs]), public transit, sports, and roles requiring a driver’s license. This represents a notable departure from the recent past, where Saudi women were predominantly associated with education or healthcare professions, such as doctors, dentists, and nurses, as depicted in earlier portrayals (Ghobain et al. 2024; Mishra, 2007; Wilkins, 1995). Our research aimed to address pivotal questions: How are Saudi women visually portrayed in local newspapers? and What messages do contemporary media frames convey about them? Additionally, we explored the images’ alignment with Vision 2030’s empowerment goals for women, which are integral to achieving its three pillars.

Our findings suggest that Saudi journalists adeptly engaged in media framing and depicted Saudi women in influential and powerful roles. It is crucial to note that we personally attest to the ethical creation of these images in that the journalists captured activities genuinely reflective of women’s active participation in such roles. The overarching message is clear—Saudi women are attaining unprecedented visibility, especially within the workplace and labor market. We interpreted this visibility as compelling evidence of their empowerment, which embodies autonomy, self-determination, and heightened self-confidence—all crucial elements envisioned by Vision 2030 (KSA, 2016).

We categorized the images collected for this study into three themes: maintaining the veil in leadership roles, navigating the business and technology power landscape, and unveiling progress and openness in society. These themes highlight the empowerment of Saudi women and the socio-economic transformation of Saudi society. Each image serves as a visual testament to the evolving roles of Saudi women, showcasing their increasing presence and influence in various sectors. By examining these themes, the study highlights the significant measures made toward gender equality and the ongoing efforts to foster a more inclusive and progressive society in Saudi Arabia.

Maintaining the veil in leadership roles

Within a remarkably brief period, Saudi women have broken through multiple barriers, secured positions, and ventured into fields that were inaccessible to them both before and after the introduction of women’s education in Saudi Arabia. The visual evidence underscores a transformative shift reflecting Saudi women’s expanding horizons and varied contributions across an array of professional domains. The visual documentation in this section vividly illustrates Saudi women’s rapid and extensive progress as they break barriers and thrive in authoritative jobs and careers whilst preserving their cultural and national identity, visualized in their abaya and hijab.

We propose that the conveyed sense of empowerment while wearing the veil stems from the diverse, authoritative contexts captured in these images. These portrayals depict a departure from traditional societal expectations, where women were confined to traditional and approved female professions like medicine and education. Nonetheless with the transformation of Saudi Arabia, the media has portrayed women actively pursuing careers in fields traditionally dominated by men. This finding suggests that Vision 2030’s objective of empowering women to contribute significantly to the knowledge economy is being achieved.

Machin and Mayr (2012) asserted that images lack a fixed meaning and are subject to diverse interpretations. Despite Western media’s common depiction of veiled Saudi women, a representation that typically invites assumptions of oppression and passivity (Abu-Lughod, 2002; Ahmed, 1992; Cloud, 2004; Fernea, 1998; Shirazi, 2000; Steet, 2000), our collected images present a contrasting narrative. Even when veiled, the prevailing theme in our data was empowerment, not oppression. The imagery in our data does not evoke a sense of passivity or resigned acceptance; if anything, it conveys the exact opposite. Purposefully framing veiled women as empowered may be a deliberate journalistic choice, which aligns with proactive media-framing strategies to convey a specific message (Entman, 1993). This intentional framing challenges conventional narratives and illustrates the subtle nature of visual representation and its potential to reshape perceptions. In fact, local newspapers are shaping public perception by portraying Saudi women in a positive and empowered light.

One such example is a formal photograph featuring female military personnel that was published in Arab News, a reputable English-language newspaper in Saudi Arabia (Hassan, 2023). All individuals are facing the camera wearing military attire (see Fig. 1). In the background are the bright and bold colors of the US and Saudi flags, indicating a professional setting. The image portrays five Saudi women from the Saudi Arabian Armed Forces, four veiled and one unveiled. The veil here is indicative of traditional cultural values rather than oppression, as these women have broken barriers and challenged traditional gender roles. The photo also features US Air Force General Jacqueline Van Ovost and two other American military personnel, suggesting international support for Saudi Arabia’s developments. The headline published just above the image is “We support women’s empowerment as Vision 2030 goal, says US embassy” (Hassan, 2023).

Fig. 1: February 8, 2023: This image showcases Saudi women in careers that were previously unavailable to them before Vision 2030.
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These women represent members of the Saudi Armed Forces, and the image powerfully symbolizes a new era of women’s empowerment in Saudi Arabia. https://www.arabnews.com/node/2247451/saudi-arabia.

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Another very powerful image published in the Saudi Gazette featured two veiled female soldiers standing beside a police car, saluting (see Fig. 2). The heading stated that “142 women soldiers graduated” (Saudi Gazette, 2024). Although only two females are captured in this image, they represent the larger population of female graduates. The image was taken at night using artificial lighting that showcased the female subjects and the police car. The police car, uniforms, and salutes are indicators of authority, duty, and service. This image is proof positive that Saudi women can join the Saudi Arabian Army. Other career opportunities that have opened for Saudi women include the Royal Saudi Air Defense, Saudi Navy, Saudi Strategic Missile Force, and Armed Forces Medical Services, as noted in the accompanying text (Saudi Gazette, 2024).

Fig. 2: Saudi Female Officers Saluting During Police Parade.
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May 22, 2024: https://www.saudigazette.com.sa/article/643039/SAUDI-ARABIA/142-women-soldiers-graduated.

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These images serve to normalize Saudi women’s participation in the military and police forces. Furthermore, they visually communicate the idea of Saudi women’s empowerment as they participate in traditionally male-dominated roles. Women in these images are portrayed as competent, professional, and active contributors. The publication of these images also reflects the respect and dignity that women are receiving from Saudi society. Women are emerging as influential nation-builders, reflecting a significant cultural and societal shift as well as a seamless alignment with Vision 2030’s goals of modernization, gender equality, and cultural progression (KSA, 2016).

Navigating the business and technology power landscape

The study’s findings affirm that Saudi women are visually portrayed in the media as vibrant members of society. Some images further reveal the emergence of Saudi women in prominent roles in business and technology, which signals a departure from traditional low-wage jobs. These images further suggest that these women perceived themselves as having the freedom to explore career paths previously reserved for men. As Islam (2019) aptly noted, Middle Eastern women are breaking through various glass ceilings and boldly venturing into what were once considered male-dominated territories in both professional fields and workplaces. Noor Nugali, assistant editor-in-chief at Arab News, stated this in a 2022 news article:

‘Now we’ve shattered the glass ceiling, and this was something we’ve been waiting for a very long time. The only challenge is believing in yourself and working hard in order to attain what you aspire to be. You have to be focused, you have to have a huge support system, you have to believe in yourself and know that it’s okay to make mistakes because that’s part of growing, learning and excelling.’ (Malek, 2022b, para 12)

One image showcased several Saudi women engaged in various tasks within an office environment (Arab News, 2022). The featured women, dressed in abayas, are actively working, which communicates competence, dedication, and contribution to the workforce (see Fig. 3). It further shows the growing presence of women in various sectors, including entrepreneurship. The caption associated with this image is “The report added that Monsha’at’s Women Dashboard, which provides female entrepreneurs with an exclusive portal for SME support services, has also played a crucial role in elevating the number of female entrepreneurs in the Kingdom”.

Fig. 3: August 29, 2022: According to Arab News, Monsha’at reported that the female unemployment rate in the Kingdom dropped to 21.2% in the first quarter of this year, compared to 31.7% during the same period in 2019.
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Monsha’at defines enterprises based on their size and their conformity with criteria such as the number of full-time employees and revenue volume. A key goal of Vision 2030 is to double the number of female-led businesses, as indicated by the latest statistics. https://www.arabnews.com/node/2151926/business-economy.

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The support given to Saudi women is evident in newspaper articles as different organizations take part in enhancing the role women play in the economy. One such article highlighted the support Saudi women were getting from Namat, a nonprofit social business by Nesma Holding Co. It aims “to integrate women living outside urban centers into the national economy, enabling them to actively contribute to the economic and social prosperity of the Kingdom by redefining the potential of ‘Made in KSA’” (Aziz, 2022, para 2). This organization has a “female-centered agenda” (para 3). Indeed, the article is accompanied by an enlarged image of a group of women facing and smiling at the camera, with only one male present (see Fig. 4). Saudi women are empowered as they are immersed in the economic development of the nation. In fact, Namat’s vision aligns with Saudi’s 2030 vision as Noura Al-Turki, vice president, voices: “Our vision is to replicate tailoring centers across all of the Kingdom so that women in all 13 provinces in Saudi Arabia have access to employment” (para 5).

Fig. 4: Saudi Women Entrepreneurs Driving Economic Growthy.
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September 17, 2022, https://www.arabnews.com/node/2164026/saudi-arabia.

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Another prominent image in the Arab News showcased a Saudi female in a prominent financial institution (Al-Jaweini and Netti, 2022). She is in traditional Saudi attire (abaya and niqab) in front of the Saudi Stock Exchange (Tadawul) building (see Fig. 5). Using Rodriguez and Dimitrova’s (2011) visual framing analysis, we argue that, in terms of style and content, the image focuses on the woman’s upper body and the Tadawul logo, thereby creating a juxtaposition between the traditional Saudi attire and a modern financial institution. This is indicative of the respect for cultural norms in contemporary business environments.

Fig. 5: July 29, 2022: According to Arab news: “Empowering women is not just about giving them jobs. It involves putting women in the front and center of priority sectors of the economy and affording them opportunities to make a difference and inspire others to follow.
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Supported by ambitious plans to diversify Saudi Arabia’s economy by unlocking new industries and providing new opportunities for its citizens, the Kingdom actively encourages women to take on leadership roles across various industries. Even if some photos do not represent women in power, they are making powerful headlines. https://www.arabnews.com/node/2131711.

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Indeed, this image sends messages of progress, modernization, inclusivity, opportunity, and cultural adaptation as the caption indicates: “The Saudi Tadawul Group is an excellent example of an organizational culture that encourages all employees” (Al-Jaweini and Netti, 2022). Just below this image is Noelle Al-Jaweini’s powerful message as chief of cash markets at the Saudi Exchange: “Empowering women is not just about giving them jobs. It involves putting women in the front and center of priority sectors of the economy and affording them opportunities to make a difference and inspire others to follow” (Al-Jaweini and Netti, 2022, para 7).

The strategic media framing and imagery in our data portrayed Saudi women as empowered on various fronts, thereby inspiring empowerment in others by association. Firstly, newspaper coverage possesses the potential to reach a diverse audience beyond Saudi Arabian borders, extending its influence regionally and internationally (especially English-language articles). This exposure plays a pivotal role in reshaping the global perception of Saudi women by challenging prevailing stereotypes and fostering a shift in people’s perspectives. It also serves as an effective platform to confront preconceived notions associated with the Orient (i.e., the Eastern versus Western world) (Yeğenoğlu, 1998). Importantly, media framing in our data significantly contributed to shaping how individuals perceive and interpret Saudi women’s reality (Zamith, 2023).

Secondly, this compelling imagery holds the potential to empower and inspire new generations of Saudi women by offering a visual testament to the substantial governmental support they are currently receiving in alignment with Vision 2030. Thirdly, these influential images serve to solidify the notion that Saudi women play a pivotal role in fostering inclusivity within Saudi society. Fourthly, these portrayals depict women as significant and proactive societal agents, in stark contrast to the passive and submissive image of them just a few years ago (Mishra, 2007).

Examples of successful Saudi women are visually and textually communicated in recent media and serve as proof that Saudi women are becoming inclusive members of society. Arab News has highlighted this by giving examples of prominent female figures who have been “entrusted with significant assignments, including Lubna Olayan, who became the first woman to head up a foreign business council; Sheila Al-Rowaily, who worked as a financier with Saudi Aramco… Sarah Al-Suhaimi, the first Saudi woman to chair the Kingdom’s Stock Exchange Tadawul” (Al-Khudair, 2022, para 10).

Unveiling progress and openness in society

Beyond their career choices, the women portrayed in our images radiated a sense of freedom, not only in determining their appearance and future professional trajectories but also in participating in diverse physical activities and hobbies. To illustrate, Saudi women have traditionally faced constraints in their involvement in physical activities and sports (Fakehy et al. 2021). Vision 2030, acknowledging the historical limitations on sports participation, declared a transformative vision: “Opportunities for the regular practice of sports have often been limited. This will change. We intend to encourage widespread and regular participation in sports and athletic activities. … We aspire to excel in sport and be among the leaders in selected sports regionally and globally” (KSA, 2016, p 22). Since 2016, it has become increasingly commonplace to witness Saudi women in public spaces engaging in activities such as jogging on major streets, biking, and participating in sports like golf, football, basketball, and gymnastics. They have not only broken through gender barriers but also represented their country internationally—a privilege reserved for men until very recently.

A 2022 image published in the Arab News featured a young Saudi female playing golf (see Fig. 6). The caption identified her as Reem AlGobaisi, who is also a professional player in the Al-Nassir Tennis Club. The caption further said that “her interest in golf grew when the sport began to be developed in the Kingdom” (Hameed, 2022, para 7). Reem “was announced as the Kingdom’s first female golf coach by Golf Saudi” (para 2). She picked up this sport after her father advised her to try the game. She believes that golf “has a promising future in the country” (para 9). For generations, traditions and tribal restrictions have imposed boundaries on how Saudi women could present themselves in public, often defined by the hijab (head cover) or Abaya (full-body cover). However, the image of Reem playing golf challenges these identifiers as she is not dressed in an abaya. This portrayal transcends traditional markers that have historically defined Saudi women. Although the hijab has been an integral part of the identity of generations of Saudi women (Cloud, 2004), contemporary times have witnessed a shift where some Saudi women are choosing to present themselves in public spaces without the hijab or Abaya.

Fig. 6: Saudi Female Coach Promotes Golf as a Game of Peace.
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March 21, 2022, https://www.arabnews.com/node/2046451/sport.

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Furthermore, the images published in Arab News reflect how Saudi women are progressing in their choice of careers as they are acquiring new and diverse jobs, such as becoming train operators on the Haramain Express Train (Arab News, 2023) and delivery associates for Amazon (Malek, 2022b). An image portraying a Saudi woman operating a train control panel suggests that new jobs have become available for women (see Fig. 7). She is firmly seated in the driver’s seat, wearing a hijab and a uniform, thus indicating her role as a train driver. The caption reads: “32 females have been qualified from the Haramain Express Train Leaders Program by the Saudi Railway Company (SPA)” (Arab News, 2023).

Fig. 7: January 23, 2024: According to Arab news, “The Saudi Railway Company has qualified 32 women to be drivers on the Haramain Express Train Leaders Program, the Saudi Press Agency reported on Sunday.
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This image of Saudi women driving a train in Saudi Arabia is an extremely powerful image for women’s empowerment. https://www.arabnews.com/node/2237161/saudi-arabia.

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One applicant who qualified for this job asserted her pride in serving her country, as these trains transport pilgrims and visitors to the holy city. Another proud applicant said, “since the polytechnic announced job opportunities last January, I made sure to apply for work… and I was accepted as one of the first batch of Saudi female train conductors” (Arab News, 2023, para 2). The image of Eman Al-Enezi confidently holding an Amazon package in front of a delivery van, identified by the caption as “Amazon KSA’s first Saudi female delivery associate” (Malek, 2022b), solidifies the shift toward gender inclusivity and empowerment in the Saudi workforce. Her pose indicates professionalism and readiness to serve her role in traditionally male-dominated delivery services. She is dressed in an abaya and a hijab, indicating a balance between cultural identity and professional participation in the development of the nation’s economy (see Fig. 8).

Fig. 8: Saudi female labor force participation in e-commerce is gaining momentum.
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May 14, 2022 https://www.arabnews.com/node/2082096/business-economy.

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Indeed, a detailed interpretation of contemporary images featuring Saudi women in diverse career paths suggests that they actively choose their appearance, which is captured on camera and intentionally framed by journalists. Muslim women usually opt for modest attire to uphold their dignity and respect their bodies (Malik, 2020), in alignment with the Islamic modesty imperative. Our observation respectfully suggests that the garment choices in these images, which convey powerful messages to observers, may signify a growing openness among Saudi women in presenting themselves professionally, despite the deeply ingrained value of modesty.

In a contrasting example, less than two decades ago, Saudi women newspaper columnists hesitated to reveal their real names (Kurdi, 2014). However, recent trends indicate a notable shift, with many now choosing to openly identify as female journalists. This transformation serves as a robust indicator that Saudi women are increasingly comfortable and open about expressing their identity, thus reflecting a broader societal evolution toward greater openness and self-expression. Moreover, the media have used these images as their framework to present a narrative of empowerment, progress, and cultural respect, thus highlighting the evolving role of Saudi women in society.

Study limitations and attendant recommendations

Employing the denotative visual analysis approach allowed us to meticulously describe the individuals and actions depicted in images. Through this method, we drew insights to form opinions regarding the messages conveyed by contemporary media framing concerning Saudi women in professional settings. Nonetheless, relying exclusively on visual framing may limit the interpretation of the images’ full meanings. Complementing this approach with textual analysis would provide a more nuanced understanding of the interplay between visual and narrative framing.

Notably, we did not undertake a comparative analysis to juxtapose our interpretations against potential alternative perspectives held by diverse audiences. The extent to which diverse audiences, both within Saudi Arabia and abroad, actively engage with Saudi media and interpret images of women’s empowerment remains unexplored. We advocate for future researchers to engage this intriguing line of inquiry by enquiring deeper into the complex interplay between researchers’ framing, news framing, and the diverse interpretations that audiences may derive from media representations. This avenue promises to yield valuable insights into the intricate dynamics of media influence and the differing perceptions surrounding the portrayal of Saudi women in the workplace.

On another front, future researchers are encouraged to collect images from Arab news outlets and compare them with those presented in English-language media. Another valuable approach would be to compare portrayals of Saudi women in Saudi (the Orient) and non-Saudi (the Occident) news outlets post Vision 2030. Although our sampling protocol targeted social media platforms, the final sample frame was limited to mainstream news articles. As such, this analysis did not compare mainstream versus social media framing, an area recommended for future research. This should include an exploration of social media’s unique role in shaping or challenging narratives.

Our exploratory study focused on inaugural profiling of Saudi media’s portrayal of women post Vision 2030 launch. Future research could incorporate international media perspectives, particularly regarding global perceptions of Saudi women. Future researchers are also encouraged to expand data collection beyond seven years to encompass 2017 onward to better capture the phenomenon beyond the Vision 2030 launch. This could include other Middle Eastern press. In addition, researchers could collect data about the hardships that women encountered in achieving the present state of empowerment.

Finally, while excluding traditional fields like medicine and teaching allowed us to focus on male-dominated sectors, this decision may have overlooked how these traditional roles are being redefined in the media relative to Vision 2030. Future research could include a wider range of professions (including medicine and education) to provide a more comprehensive view of the evolving media framing of Saudi women.

Conclusion

The implementation of Vision 2030 has caused a notable shift in the news media toward more diverse and empowering framings and depictions of Saudi women. This paradigm shift, showcasing women in diverse professional roles as entrepreneurs and leaders, marks a departure from traditional norms. The Saudi news industry’s deliberate inclusion of women across different labor market sectors emphasizes a positive trajectory in women’s empowerment and the growing importance of gender equality. This signifies that media campaigns, primarily featured in national newspapers, play a pivotal role in reinforcing the women’s empowerment narrative, which aligns with the Saudi government’s evolving nation-building initiatives.

The news articles found in this study included powerful images that highlighted key messages such as professional inclusion of women in the workforce, societal change, and gender equality. More specifically, the images showcased that many women chose to preserve their cultural identity, represented by the veil, in untraditional jobs such as the military and police force. They chose to remain visible despite the veil. This visibility serves as undeniable evidence of their sense of empowerment, characterized by inferred autonomy, self-determination, and enhanced self-confidence—qualities that align seamlessly with the transformative goals of Vision 2030. In addition, national newspapers featured images of Saudi women participating in business, technology, and sports, thus showcasing the nation’s current progressiveness and commitment to openness.

Through our denotative visual analysis of media framing, we endeavored to encapsulate the substantial sense of empowerment and transformation within the nation’s economic landscape, spotlighting emerging and progressive trends and, at the same time, highlighting the pillars of Vision 2030: a vibrant society, a thriving economy, and an ambitious nation. It is evident that Saudi women are breaking free from historical constraints and securing positions in job sectors traditionally dominated by men, thereby contributing to the vibrancy of the workforce. Moreover, the availability of novel job opportunities not only signifies a thriving economy but also empowers Saudi women to exercise their agency in a climate where they can freely express themselves and make choices reflective of their capabilities. Women are not only acquiring newfound power but also challenging stereotypical depictions pervasive in Western media and sending a message to the ambition of the nation toward change. In short, media framing of Saudi women aligns with all three pillars.

This study contributes to a deeper understanding of Saudi Arabia’s evolving socio-cultural landscape and economic progress. It affirms the media’s pivotal role (via media framing) in potentially shaping perceptions of Saudi women and fostering a more inclusive and empowered society. Moreover, these evolving media portrayals could have tangible societal outcomes, such as increasing employment rates among women, amplifying their presence in leadership roles, and reshaping public perception of their capabilities and contributions.

Together, these changes illustrate how the media, as a reflection of societal progress, can serve as both a driver of and a testament to the transformative aspirations of Vision 2030. Moving forward, with five more years until 2030, researchers and policymakers should explore the potential long-term effects of Vision 2030 on the media’s portrayal of Saudi women. How do media narratives evolve as more Saudi women enter male-dominated fields, and what implications does this have for societal change and national development?