Traces of Turco-Persian influences in Malay woodcarving motifs on vernacular buildings in Terengganu

Abstract

Woodcarving is considered as one of the highest forms of art in Malay culture. It is an essential aspect of traditional vernacular buildings in the archipelago region as it carries intrinsic meaning while symbolizing status. Despite this, the artistic influence apparent in Malay woodcarving is not fully understood in a holistic manner, in which the Turco-Persian elements are often neglected despite being visibly apparent. The reason for this is previous Malay art researchers are unfamiliar with Turco-Persian elements in Islamic art as compared to Buddha-Hindu elements which are more easily identified. Therefore, the art history method is adopted in this study to analyze the motifs used in vernacular palaces and houses of royalties dating from the 19th and 20th centuries CE in Terengganu. The objective is to identify the Turco-Persian influences and know the type, name, characteristics and stylization of the motifs to help better understand the formation of traditional Malay Islamic art in a comprehensive manner. This is achieved by analyzing and comparing the identified motifs within the context of Turco-Persian motifs used by Turkic dynasties in the Eastern Islamic lands that have a historical connection with the Terengganu region. Findings from the analysis discovered several Turco-Persian motifs in traditional Malay woodcarvings. Except for Muthanna, these motifs are the seven modes of abstract Islamic ornamentation known as haft aṣl that are commonly found in the Eastern Islamic lands on architecture and particularly in Qur’an illumination (tezhib). This indicates that the Turco-Persian tradition has a significant influence on the artistic formation and stylistic development of Malay woodcarving in Southeast Asia and not just Buddha-Hindu and Chinese elements as believed before.

Introduction

Terengganu is a region located on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula, bordering Kelantan and Patani in the north, and Pahang in the south. These three regions—particularly Patani in the southern provinces of Thailand¹ —was considered to be the center of Malay culture and closely related in terms of cultural development, race, and religion (Wan Teh, 1996; Sheppard, 1972). This connection exists as these regions were once a part of the Langkasuka Kingdom believed to have existed in the first century CE until the end of the 14th century CE. The Langkasuka Kingdom existed in several places during different time periods, namely Ligor, Kedah, Singgora and lastly Pattani (Sheppard, 1972; Wheatley, 1961).

Langkasuka’s strategic location—which connects the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea in the west with the Gulf of Thailand and the South China Seas in the east through the isthmus of Kra—it was considered as an emporium of Arab traders in the Malay Peninsula region which attracted other merchants, namely the Persians, Indian and Turkic people (Sheppard, 1972; Wheatley, 1961). This created a multi-racial and multi-religious society in Langkasuka. The local kings and elites were practicing Buddhism and Hinduism, while some of the merchants—Indians, Arabs, and Persian (including Turkic)—were Buddhist, Zoroastrian, Christian and Muslims (Shaghir, 1998). According to Ramli (2012), Buddhism was the earliest influence that was accepted by the local Malay communities in the 4th century CE followed by Hinduism (11th century CE). Despite the Buddhist influence being more prominent than Hinduism, it was carefully selected and acculturated into the existing local animistic traditions. The Mahayana sect of Buddhism practiced in Malaysia, in particular during the 5th century CE, was to fulfill the spiritual activities of local kings and elites. It also strengthened their positions as divine rulers and kings based on the concept of hierarchies, in addition to culture, art and architecture (Rahman et al. 2018; Ramli, 2012; Al-Attas, 1972). Although certain Buddhism–Hinduism artistic influences such as bunga teratai (lotus flower), Buah Buton (Buton fruit), pucuk rebung (bamboo shoots), makara (legendary sea-creature in Hindu mythology) and pohon budi (bodhi tree) are apparent in Malay woodcarving and architecture. However, the identicality is only based on the physical appearance of the artforms as the style and meaning of the motifs and are different from other Buddhism-Hinduism art in India from other parts of Southeast Asia (Noor and Khoo, 2003; Rawson, 1967; Fergusson, 1910). This indicates that there are other artistic influences that are incorporated in Malay woodcarving which has not been significantly highlighted in academic discourse.

With the coming of Islam in Langkasuka and Patani in the 9th and 10th CE with the conversion of Raja Antira Bangsa to Islam in the year 800 CE who became the first king of Langkasuka-Patani² (Zamberi, 2006; Shaghir, 1998), the locals too converted to Islam and married with the Arab and Persian merchants. The local community is said to have been practicing Islam since 1157 CE (or earlier) and soon became established in Patani around 1457 CE although the kings and local elites were still Hindu-Buddhist during that period (Zamberi, 2006; Teeuw and Wyatt, 1970). The Langkasuka kingdom later lost its significance and gave rise to the Malay-Islam kingdom of Patani—also known as Patani Besar/Raya or Kerajaan Islam Patani Darussalam (1457–1902CE)—which was treated as the heir of Langkasuka and inherited its legacy (Zamberi, 2006). During its peak, the kingdom’s territory encompassed Patani and Singgora until Patalung in the southern provinces of Thailand, as well as Kelantan and Terengganu on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula.

Despite this, the identity of the said “Persians” has not been deliberated thoroughly as the denotation is very general, in which it can refer to different individuals/races, not solely to the Persians as the lands were inhabited by multi-racial people while practicing the religion or culture of Islam (Canfield, 2002). Even though the role of Persians in the Islamization of Southeast Asia has been marginalized as compared to Arab Hadrami’s (Azra, 2004; Al-Attas, 1969), Marrison (1955) stated that the Persian influence is evident in Malay culture from 1280 until 1650 CE, particularly in culture. This is apparent as traces of Turkish and Persian influences in Malay Islamic art had also been identified indirectly by previous scholars as mentioned below.

This includes the art and format of Qur’an illumination on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula (Kelantan, Patani and especially Terengganu) which is said to be on par with the Ottoman’s, Persian (Safavid) and Indian (Mughal) production (Gallop, 2018; Peacock and Gallop, 2015; Akbar, 2015; Zain, 2007). In addition, the ‘Malay-Arabesque’ motif which is commonly known as Awan Larat, is actually a form of rūmī (Waley, 2018). However, the ‘ayet ber kenar’ system, the naming of Al-Fatihah verse as Sūrat al-Fātihat al Kitāb as well as the use of Naskh calligraphy script follows the Ottoman Qur’an (Akbar, 2015; Tan, 2003). All of this indicates strong cultural ties with the Turkic-Turkish dynasties in Anatolia (Turkey), Iran and India, which practices the Turco-Persian tradition (Eaton, 2019; Asher and Talbot, 2006; Chandra, 2004; Canfield, 2002). It is also worth noting that Ibn Battuta (1304–1369CE) mentioned that the people of Tawalsi where Kelantan was one of the probable locations (Al-Ahmadi, 1985) had many similarities with the Turks in terms of culture, language, appearance and military prowess (Gibb, 2010). The king’s daughter, ‘Urdujā’ was also fluent in several languages including Turkish (Gibb, 2010).

Despite this, little effort was made to examine the Turkic-Turkish or Turco-Persian influence on Malay Islamic art in a detailed manner in terms of its motif (the specific name), stylization and combination of multiple cultural artifacts in Southeast Asia. This led it to be neglected and forgotten (Guillot, 2020). Although the exact reason for this negligence is unknown, one of the causes might be the lack of proper/surviving documentation or material culture from this region which points directly towards the Malay-Persian connection. However, recent research had discovered that the Turco-Persian and Malay world connection, in terms of cultural influence, is evident in traditional Malay woodcarvings based on the type of motifs, stylization and combination of forms as well as the elements and characteristics of artistic repertoires. These influences can be found particularly on objects such as grave markings, coffin lid, tombs and mosques from the 18th and 19th centuries CE on several sections of the architectural segments and finials (Ismail, 2023; Ismail et al. 2023).

This includes identifications of several main Turco-Persian motifs in Malay woodcarving such as (i) rūmī (abstracted animal forms with leaf, buds, flowers, tendrils and spirals), (ii) khatā’i (flower), (iii) band-i rūmī (knot or organic/geometric motifs that are tied/knotted together), (iv) toranj (onion-shaped flower with a bud inside its center), (v) penç (flower foliation with five or more cusps/points/petals), (vi) cosmic tree (bodhi tree) and its different variations which are further stylized and organized in different arrangements in Malay woodcarving. This resulted in it being known by different names such as ‘Awan Larat’ (meandering clouds), ‘Sulur Bayung’ (creeping vines, tendrils), ‘Bunga Teratai’ (lotus flower), ‘Bunga Langkasuka (Kelopak Dewa & Kelopak Maya) (Langkasuka Flower, God Petal & Maya Petal)’, ‘Motif Bunga Berpola Bujang’ (single pattern flower motif), ‘Motif Pingat’ (medallion motif), ‘Motif Simpulan’ (knot motif), ‘gunungan’ (mountain) and ‘Kudup Teratai’ (lotus bud) to name a few (Ismail, 2023).

The research also concluded that the cultural connection had happened much earlier before the establishment of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 13th century CE, where the probable relation—with Turkic dynasties in Persian lands, Pakistan and India—had occurred from the 10th until 11th century CE based on the funerary decorations. This included motifs (type, stylization and combination) and calligraphy found on several early tombstones and stone inscriptions dating from the 11th until 16th century CE (Ismail, 2023). To my knowledge, research to identify and analyze the Turco-Persian influence in Malay woodcarving on traditional vernacular buildings (such as in palaces and houses of Malay royalties) has not been conducted. Thus, this research is an extension of previous studies done on the topic, where the objective is to analyze the credible Turco-Persian influences found on several vernacular palaces in Terengganu from the 18th until 20th century CE. This needs to be done in order to know the proper names of the motifs used, the type, characteristics and stylization of the woodcarving to better illuminate our understanding of the formation of traditional Malay art in Terengganu. This can be achieved by analyzing and comparing the identified motifs in the woodcarving found on the vernacular buildings within the context of Turco-Persian motifs used by the Turkic dynasties in the Eastern Islamic lands that have a connection with Terengganu as the region has many historical occurrences related with Turkic people.

In addition, the term ‘Eastern Islamic lands’ is generally understood as referring to Al-Mashriq (the Arab east) which is defined by the geographer Al-Muqaddasī (d. circa 990CE) in 818CE as encompassing Khurāsān, Sīstan (Sijistān) and Transoxania (Mā Warā al-Nahr) (Daniel, 2011). Despite this, in a more practical sense for modern usage, the term is also referred to as ‘Iran and the Islamic east’ which refers to the parts of the Islamic oecumene that had formerly been part of the Sasanian Empire, and where Islam came to be the dominant religion but Arabic was not the vernacular language for the majority of the population in the area (Daniel, 2011, p. 448). Hence, to ease comprehension, the term ‘Eastern Islamic lands’ will be used according to the latter definition for this study.

Literature review

The Southeast Asia and Persian world connection—particularly with the Eastern Islamic lands—is made known by the existence of the Champa Pillar dated 1035CE that was found in the region of Phang Rang, southern Vietnam (Yatim and Nasir, 1990; Fatimi, 1963). Although the pillar has been subjected to many debates and skepticism, it has been reanalyzed and discussed in detail to reaffirm its relation and legitimacy with the region based on proven historical facts (Ismail et al. 2021a). The pillar mentions the existence of a Muslim-Turkic community in Champa who were previously from India and served under Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni (988–1030CE) from the Ghaznavid Dynasty (977–1186CE) (Fatimi, 1963, pp. 48–50). These Muslim-Turkic community had later established an arts and crafts guild in the region (Ravaisse as cited by Fatimi, 1963, p. 48), in which their artistic influence was brought to Champa and spread out towards neighboring regions (Sheppard, 1972, p. 14). This is based on the artistic repertoires found on the early tombstone and stone inscription ranging from the 11th–14th century CE onwards.

The spread of Turco-Persian influence was made possible by the emigration of the Muslim-Turkic community in Champa to Terengganu in the east coast region of the Malay Peninsula (Yatim and Nasir, 1990; Fatimi, 1963). This notion was proven by the archeological discovery of several stone inscriptions and grave markings related to Muslim individuals along the sea route of the Indo-China coast to Terengganu (Ismail et al. 2021a; Yatim and Nasir, 1990). The existence and proof of the influence is further strengthened based on the similarities of the writing style in the Terengganu Stone Inscription (1303CE) with the Champa Pillar (1035CE) (Rahman and Ramli, 2018) and the Turco-Persian³ influence (of the Ghaznavid, Samanid and Seljuk Dynasty in Iran and Anatolia) found in Malay Islamic art in Terengganu, Kelantan, and Patani. This is evident, particularly, in woodcarvings for grave markers, architectural decorations on tombs, gates, arches, main doors, windows as well as mosques and several objects related to the monarch and royalties (Ismail, 2023).

The Turkic-Persian Islamic dynasties relation with the Champa region is important to highlight as the Ghaznavid’s (which reigned in Afghanistan and India together with the Seljuk’s in Iran, Syria and Anatolia) was considered as an “Persian dynasty” as they are heavily influenced and thoroughly ‘Persianised’ in terms of language, culture, literature and habits (Ziad, 2006; Meisami, 1999). The reason for this is that Persian tradition was considered as an elite culture practiced by the upper-class society since the Persian territory (under the Parthian [247BC-224CE] and Sasanian [224CE-651CE] Empire) after the Muslim conquest of Iran in the 7th century CE was ruled subsequently by several Islamic Empires, including the Rashidun Caliphate (633–654CE), the Umayyad (661–750CE) and the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258CE) in certain parts of the Eastern Islamic lands (Delius and Hattstein, 2004; Canfield, 2002). This has resulted in the formation of a cosmopolitan culture that is a mixture of several traditions, namely the Arab, Hellenic (Greek), Syrian, Indian and Persian (Canfield, 2002). Due to the vastness of the Sasanian Empire, the Persian tradition became the basis for much of the Islamic culture, particularly in architecture, art, literature, philosophy and music (Zarrinkūb, 1999, p. 305, Grabar 1967, p. 362) where it was later emulated, practiced and carried by the Muslim Turkic dynasties in east and west (Canfield, 2002). This has caused formation of an Islamic culture known as the “Turco-Persian tradition” based on the cultural and intellectual traditions from Iran (Persia), patronized by the ruling class of Turkic descent for several generations, and Islamic (Islamicate) as Islam promotes goodness, immortality and excellence in public issue and the affairs of Muslim who were elites at that time (Canfield, 2002).

The Turco-Persian influence on the said objects and buildings has been dealt with in detail previously (Ismail, 2023; Ismail et al. 2022, 2021a, 2021b), hence it should not be revisited. Nonetheless, it is important to highlight that the Turco-Persian Islamic motifs which were found dominantly in Qur’an manuscripts, monuments, funerary inscriptions, tombstones, several objects and manuscripts originated from Iran and Transoxiana dated from the 9th until 15th century CE. These were particularly motifs such as rūmī, khatā’ī, band-i rūmī, toranj, penç and their variations, calligraphy scripts (foliated and floriated Kufic, Muhaqqaq), as well as text organization/arrangements and style. Selection of specific Qur’anic verses, poems and motifs associated with eschatology and Sufism were also evident in woodcarvings on tombs, grave markings and objects, as well as in Qur’an illuminations scattered across Southeast Asia in varying degrees of influence. Some of these were more prominent as compared to others depending on their location and purpose (Ismail, 2023; Ismail et al. 2022, 2021a, 2021b). The east coast region of the Malaysian peninsula has the highest concentration of Turco-Persian influences in their traditional Malay woodcarvings on tomb architecture, tombstones/grave markers, everyday objects, weapons as well as Qur’an illumination. Despite this, the Turco-Persian influences are generally unnoticed as their original form and composition are deconstructed and divided into individual parts, components and combinations to suit and acculturate local preferences of artistic productions.

This has caused the Turco-Persian influence to be referred to by some scholars as the ‘Turkic-Turkish influence’ which is found prominently in literature, language and culture—especially in Malay Islamic art on the east coast of Malay Peninsula and Aceh (Sumatra)—in calligraphy, woodcarving, manuscript illumination and tomb/grave decorations (Ismail, et al. 2022, 2021a, 2021b; Alatas and Alami, 2018; Gallop, 2018, 2007, 2005, 2002; Zakaria, 2015, 2018; Peacock and Gallop, 2015; Feener et al. 2011; Zain, 2007). Regardless of this, the woodcarving motifs on vernacular palaces in Terengganu are less explored even though the Turco-Persian or Turkic-Turkish influences were noticed. The reason for this is twofold. Firstly, only a small number of palaces in Terengganu survived the test of time as most of them were built mainly with wood, while buildings that survived are usually dated from the 18th until 20th century CE (especially in Terengganu) as earlier ones were destroyed by war, tragedy, or natural disaster (flood or fire). Secondly, the woodcarvings are studied based on their architectural function, such as the placement, topology, functionality (airflow, sunlight), types of motifs (the common six: flora, fauna, calligraphy, geometric, cosmos & Bunga Langkasuka), architectural elements, philosophy of motifs/woodcarving and the physical characteristics of the motif/woodcarving on mosques, palaces, houses, and institutional buildings in a general sense (Shaffee and Said, 2013; Utaberta et al. 2012; Said, 2002, 2001).

Their analyses also emphasized the Buddha-Hindu influence (Hussin et al. 2012; Utaberta et al. 2012; Noor and Khoo, 2003)—such as the Kala, Makara, cosmic mountain, Bodhi tree, stupa, lotus, dragon and garuda—even though it is only one of the elements found in the Malay artistic repertoire. This has caused them to neglect other possible influences in Malay Islamic art and narrow their analysis to Buddha–Hindu traditions. Although the Buddha–Hindu influence is present, there are also other influences in Malay Islamic art that should be analyzed in a critical manner. Hence, this study intends to identify and analyze the Turco-Persian motifs used on several vernacular buildings, palaces and houses of royalty and nobility (in the Terengganu state Museum) as the findings would help better understand the formation of traditional Malay woodcarving in a comprehensive manner.

These buildings are selected because royal palaces serve as a symbol of majesty and splendor of the previous Sultans or government institutions, in which they also function as residing places for the monarchs and as centers for administration, education, religion, and culture (Abdullah, 2012). Hence, the designs are unique in terms of size, material, aesthetical values, and woodcarving decorations as compared to other vernacular architecture in the Malay world (Abdullah, 2012). These houses of royalties and nobles (including ulama) have a unique set of decorative motifs that reflect their social rank and economic status (Noor and Khoo, 2003). Moreover, houses of royalties are also heavily embellished as compared to those of commoners, where the woodcarvings are well preserved. This allowed us to analyze the various types of motifs available to better identify and understand the influence used.

Methodology

This study adopts the art history and qualitative visual analysis approach to examine the Turco-Persian influence in Malay woodcarving as it is more suitable for cultural research, particularly in analyzing acculturated influences in architecture (Schiffer et al. 2022; Lambourn, 2008; Grabar, 2006). Grabar (2006, 1987) defines the art history approach in the context of Islamic art as a method that analyses the historical background of the studied region in terms of its connection, relation, formation and continuation of artistic production, which connects several areas of interest culturally. This cultural interrelation is made known by investigating the artistic production of artifacts in a specified region, dynasty and period—often but not necessarily in a chronological order—to better understand its development, influence and dissemination to other parts of the Islamic world in a detailed manner (Blair, 2006, pp. 105–115; Delius and Hattstein, 2004, p. 9; Blair, 1992). Information is gathered by combining textual evidence with visual analysis where cultural artifacts can be treated as ‘seeing sources’ of history in the absence of proper historical documentation to elucidate the connection. This scrutinizes the different qualitative variations of man-made objects in terms of manufacturing technique, style, composition, proportion, color as well as motifs, shape and distinct characteristics (Lambourn, 2008; Grabar, 2006, 1987).

This method is suitable and often emulated by prominent Islamic art scholars such as Blair (1992) in her study on monumental inscriptions from early Islamic Iran and Transoxiana. This is evident in her analysis of the historical text, religious inscriptions, language and style corpus of the architectural and commemorative inscription. This includes identifying the type of calligraphy, reading and translating the inscriptions, the decorative elements involved as well as aligning the data with historical facts and figures (patrons) related to certain Islamic dynasties in a specific region—from Iran and Transoxiana that survived the first five centuries of the Muslim Era (622–1106CE) in order to establish and associate the stylistic development with the geographical region and period (Blair, 1992, pp. 3–14). Hence, this study will adopt the same approach as the nature and interest of research is similar. However, the approach is slightly modified as Blair’s analysis focuses more on the paleographic elements, while this research identifies the Turco-Persian influences in the decorative elements (motifs, ornaments, calligraphy, etc.) found in Malay woodcarvings on vernacular buildings in Terengganu to better elucidate the stylistic development of Islamic art in the region.

Due to the vast geographical area of the Turco-Persian world, this study will only compare the motifs with the Islamic art of the Ghaznavid Dynasty (977–1186CE), Seljuk Empire (1040–1157CE), the Sultanate of Rum (1077–1308CE) and the Ottoman Empire (1299–1922CE), which are located in, or neighboring Anatolia (present-day Turkey), Iran, Iraq, Cental Asia, Transoxiana and Pakistan as these dynasties have historical and cultural connection with the Malay Archipelago and were great patrons of the Turco-Persian culture (Peacock, 2015; Peacock and Gallop, 2015; Delius and Hattstein, 2004; Canfield, 2002; Seljuq, 1980; Fatimi, 1963). The analysis will not adopt the “one-on-one” approach (comparing one similar monument in Southeast Asia with another monument in the mentioned areas) as the focus is centered on the artistic repertoires—type of motifs, shape and stylization of the ornaments—and its historical relations, not the architectural details of the monuments. It is also difficult to find a monument in Southeast Asia that is earlier from the 18th century CE that can be used for direct comparative analysis with the Turco-Persian specimens which are dated much earlier (12th–16th century CE). The reason for this is that most of the specimens (monuments and objects) do not survive the test of time, which are greatly affected by weather conditions and climate in this region. Despite this, earlier Turco-Persian specimens are favored for this study’s analysis because the characteristics of the motifs can be considered as an essential foundational model where the Turco-Persian influences are relatively easy to identify compared to later forms which are more challenging and complicated to analyze. Hence, priority will be given to the qualitative qualities of the studied motifs based on their characteristics and historical significance.

In addition to this, only three vernacular buildings in Terengganu are selected for this analysis, Istana Tengku Long (1904CE), Istana Tengku Nik (1888CE) and the house of Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah, daughter of Sultan Zainal Abidin III (1881–1918CE). They are treated as more significant and better examples compared to other vernacular buildings found in the region. This is due to its status as a palace/house of well-known individuals (kings and royalties), in which it better facilitates the context, legitimacy, significance and importance of the Malay culture due to its relationship with the monarch. This is in accordance with the Malay cultural tradition which are mostly associated with the monarch and the religious teachers (ulama) will have more complex, detailed and superior decorations from which inspirations for artistic production for the masses are naturally drawn. Therefore, the conjecture proposed is that the key approach to examine the source of influence for the motifs used in Malay woodcarving is done by identifying the main features, which encompasses the distinct characteristic, the name/type of motifs, the stylization of the motifs as well as its historical association with the Turco-Persian dynasties in the west. By doing this, the three vernacular buildings can be a source of reference for other analyses in the future, where the motifs found can be easily identified and studied in a more critical manner.

Vernacular buildings in Terengganu

The mentioned vernacular buildings discussed in this study are situated in the compound of the Terengganu State Museum located at Bukit Losong, Kuala Terengganu. According to Abdullah (2012), the long-roofed architecture style of Terengganu palace—which is known as Bangunan Berpeleh Tiang 6, 12 or 16⁴ —is said to have come from Patani. This is based on the structural components, the pemeleh (bargeboard), which is a distinct style of Patani’s architecture that can only be found in Terengganu (Said, 2001). It is not surprising that the ancestor of the current monarch—Sultan Zainal Abidin Shah I (1708–1733CE)—is said to have been raised and coronated as the Sultan of Terengganu in Patani. He later brought 80 families from Patani with him and settled in a place known as ‘Kampung Patani’ (Patani village) in Kuala Terengganu (Abdullah, 2012). However, the history of all of the buildings—except of palaces—is not known in great detail. Hence, this analysis will focus on the decorative elements found in Istana Tengku Long (1904CE), Istana Tengku Nik (1888CE)—also known as Rumah Tele—and the house of Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah, the daughter of Sultan Zainal Abidin III (1881–1918CE). Both Tengku Ngah’s house and Istana Tengku Nik were built by Sultan Zainal Abidin III during his reign.

Islamic ornamentation—the seven modes

Before proceeding with analyzing each motif found in the respective buildings, it is vital to first know the seven basic abstract Islamic ornamentation (naqqāshi) commonly found and used in the Turco-Persian influenced Islamic art known as haft aṣl (the seven modes). These seven modes are (i) islāmi/islīmī (split leaf and vine motif, also known as arabesque), (ii) khatā’ī/hatayi (Chinese or Turkic/Uighur style floral motif), (iii) abr (Chinese-Turkic cloud motif), (iv) vāq/dāgh/wāqwāq aṣl (animal head with scrolling vine motif), (v) nīlufer (Chinese-Mongol lotus/waterlily motif), (vi) firangi⁵ (composite flower with a smaller motif inserted within a larger one) and (vii) band-i rūmī⁶ (knotted or braided vine motif with split leaves) (Ismail, 2023; Abbas, 2018). Historically, the term haft aṣl is said to have emerged in the 15th and 16th century CE textual records that are connected to the Persian court in Qazvin or Isfahan and were probably Timurid-Turcoman taxonomies (Abbas, 2018; Necipoğlu, 1996). Although Necipoğlu (1996, 1990) mentioned that the classification of naqqāshi had started during the reign of Shah Tahmasp I (1524–1576CE) from the Safavid Dynasty (1501–1736CE), Abbas (2018) believes that it had existed much earlier as most of the motifs can be identified visually (not by their taxonomies) in previous centuries. Figure 1 shows several examples of these motifs which are used extensively in Islamic architecture (carved on stone, relief, brick or gypsum, woodcarving, glazed tile or painted on walls using a technique known as kalem işi) and Qur’an illumination dated from the 12th century CE until 16th century CE in Anatolia (particularly in the Asian side of Turkey), Iran, Iraq, India and Central Asia. Although other examples in Islamic art are undoubtedly multiple and various in locations and time periods, these selected few are significant as they highlight the main characteristics of each mentioned motif that clearly facilitates principal visual identification.

Fig. 1: The three modes: islīmī, khatā’ī/nīlufer and band-i rūmī with several common variations.

Source: Unsur Seni Islam Turko-Parsi dalam Seni Ragam Hias Ukiran Kayu di Alam Melayu (2023), Haft Aṣl: The Seven Modes of Ornamentation in Islamic Art (2018) and Islamic Chinoiserie: The Art of Mongol Iran (2009). This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail and The Smithsonian Institution; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail and The Smithsonian Institution, all rights reserved.

These seven modes are considered the basic as there are more and not necessary in the same order with each having their own variations referred to as ‘fer’ (Abbas, 2018). For example, from islīmī/arabesque comes forth another mode known as toranj (a triangular unit composed of two leaves with empty inner space filled with a blossom (Abbas, 2018) and rūmī. Although islīmī and rūmī looks visually similar, rūmī is a foliage motif that is abstracted from mystical⁷ and natural animal⁸ forms – specifically the body, feet and wings—that originated from Central Asia and Iran which spread towards the east (India and Southeast Asia) and west (Anatolia/Turkey) by the Seljuks and Ghaznavids (Ismail et al. 2021a; Peacock, 2015; Birol, 2012). Despite this, islīmī, rūmī or arabesques are referred to in different names across Southeast Asia, such as ‘Awan Larat’⁹ (meandering clouds) in the art of woodcarving in the Malay Peninsula, ‘bungong awan-awan’ in Aceh (Sumatra), ‘bunga air mulih’ in Brunei (Borneo) and ‘birdo’ in Maranao, Mindanao (Philippines) (Gallop, 2018).

The association of islīmī and rūmī with clouds appeared in the fifteenth century CE, when the Chinese could motif—known as abr—was introduced and included in the islīmī vocabulary where a new variation emerged known as changdārislīmī (split leaf with curling flaps) (Abbas, 2018). While the cloud motif is known in Turkish Islamic art as ‘bulut’ (particularly Ottoman Qur’an manuscript illumination from the 15th until 16th century) it is sometimes combined with rūmī to have a cloud-like rūmī appearance with several variations, such as the segmented rūmī, twisted rūmī, middle tie and crest rūmī motif to name a few (Fig. 2) (Onat, 2017). Nonetheless, this study will only focus on three modes of naqqāshi, including their variations—islīmī (rūmī and toranj), khatā’ī/nīlufer (penç and faṣṣālī)¹⁰ and band-i rūmī (gereh-sāzī and halat band-i sāzī)¹¹ —and calligraphy as these motifs are commonly found in Malay Islamic art.

Fig. 2: Several examples of rūmī with cloud-like appearance.

Source: Islamic Art of Illumination: Classical Tazhib from Ottoman to Contemporary Times. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduce with permission of Blue Dome Press; copyright © Blue Dome Press, all rights reserved.

Istana Tengku Long (1904CE)

Based on the description provided by the museum, Tengku Long’s palace was said to have been built by a master craftsman named Cik Hat from Pahang with the help of several other craftsmen. The dimension of the palace is 27.43 × 21.34 m and made entirely from Cengal wood (Neobalanocarpus heimii). The building has several decorative elements carved on the wood, which employs several motifs such as Awan Larat, floral, geometry and calligraphy. However, this analysis will only focus on the Awan Larat motif as it has several unique variations, which combines the other said motifs in its composition. Based on observation, there are seven unique Awan Larat motifs in Tengku Long’s palace that are categorized into three groups: rūmī (a), rūmī (b) and rūmī (c). Rūmī (a) is a mixture of rūmī with calligraphy and a knot motif identified as halat band-i sāzī, rūmī (b) is rūmī combined with khātā’ī, goncagül, penç and guldār islīmī, while rūmī (c) is rūmī-toranj, goncagül, band-i rūmī and faṣṣālī.

There is only one rūmī in the first category (a) which can be seen in Fig. 3. The rūmī motif can be seen in the bigger section of the whole composition (under the dome-like shape) where the curling and swirling foliage stems for the middle at the calligraphy (bottom-left in Fig. 3) and expands to the left and right and continues to the edges on top. The reason it is identified as rūmī as opposed to islīmī is due to its composition which resembles the wings of a bird. However, the characteristics of rūmī are hard to distinguish as the animal form is not clearly apparent and is only noticeable to trained eyes. However, a clearer picture of the similarities can be seen in Fig. 4 below, where the basic shape of the rūmī in Mahmut Bey Mosque, Kastamonu (Turkey) and the tomb of Sayid Harun Veli in Konya, Turkey shares similar traits with the Tengku Long’s rūmī.

Fig. 3: The whole composition of rūmī (a) on top, close-up view of the zoomorphic calligraphy (bottom-left) and the halat band-i sāzī (bottom-right) motif.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

Fig. 4: (Left) Rūmī-toranj in Mahmut Bey Mosque, Kastamonu (Turkey) (1366CE) (Right) Rūmī carved on the wooden door of Sayid Harun Veli’s tomb in Konya (1310CE).

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail & Dick Osseman, https://pbase.com/dosseman/image/104090434. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Dick Osseman and Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Dick Osseman and Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

As shown above, the shape of rūmī-toranj in Mahmut Bey and Sayid Harun Veli is similar to Tengku Long’s rūmī, particularly the shape, but with different stylization and elements which are added to suit regional preferences. This can be seen in the spanning of wings to the left and right, the curling-edges of the leaf and the bud-shaped (also referred to as palmette) object in the middle. However, the inner space of the Tengku Long’s rūmī is not filled with blossom as toranj normally would but is instead replaced with identical-reflecting zoomorphic calligraphy and one tear-drop-shaped calligraphy in between. The knot motif situated at the top-center of the whole composition is identified as halat band-i sāzī (bottom-right in Fig. 3).

The two identical-facing zoomorphic calligraphy is interesting to analyze as it is stylized in the form of simurgh¹² (sometimes referred to as the phoenix, ‘the king of birds’) which is a symbol of prosperity (due to its association with rain), savior, tutor, guardian and royalty as it was historically used as an emblem for the Sassanian Empire and crowns of kings (Sheikh, 2017; Schmidt, 2002). The symbol was also widely adopted in the realm of Persian cultural influence, particularly in Sufism (which is a metaphor for God in Sufi mysticism), as evident in Farid-ul-Din Attar’s Mantiq-ut-Tayr (the conference of the birds) and used extensively in visual arts as well as literature (Schmidt, 2002).

What makes this calligraphy appealing is the bilaterally symmetrical calligraphy form which is known as Muthanna (müsenna in Turkish) or ‘mirror writing’ (aynalı yazı in Ottoman and modern Turkish, khatt-e aina in Persian) in Islamic art (Akin-Kivanc, 2020). This is based on the fundamental concept of muthanna, which is the indispensable principle of symmetric reflection—either vertical or horizontal—where the source text is placed on the right side of a vertical axis and its mirror reflection appears on the left to produce a complete and identical copy. Akin-Kivanc (2020) stated that muthanna first appeared in the period between the 7th and 9th centuries found on late antique utilitarian objects, such as oil lamps and textiles in Syria-Palestine, Egypt and later spread towards Baghdad (Iraq), Iran, Central Asia (used by the Seljuk, Ilkhanid and Timurid dynasties) and Spain (mainly on textile¹³) in both geometry or figural (zoomorphic and anthropomorphic) imagery. It is often juxtaposed with zoomorphic figures that are symbols of royalty where the text is rendered in both angular and cursive hands characterized by novel, vibrant forms with distinct, elongated and undulating upper strokes (Akin-Kivanc, 2020). This description fits well with the muthanna woodcarving found on Tengku Long’s palace.

Moreover, Akin-Kivanc (2020) argued that the purpose of the multi-letter/multiword¹⁴muthanna is not to fill empty spaces (horror vacui), but as a tangible visual reminder that is intended to function at a phenomenological level of human consciousness, an awareness to attain spiritual perfection of God, to return to Allah SWT as everything comes from Him and returns to Him (istirjā). Hence, the symbolic meaning is deeply rooted in Sufism. Although the characteristics, type, placement (architectural surfaces), medium (wood) and script (either thuluth, naskh or talīq) are similar to the Ottoman’s muthanna, the calligraphy is difficult to read—both the zoomorphic and the teardrop-medallion shaped muthanna in the middle. In spite of this, there are several identifiable phrases used for the multi-letter muthanna, such as (i) prayers, for example, tawakkuli ala khaliki (I put my trust in my Creator), Allahu Miftah al-abwab (God is the opener of all gates) and ya khafiyy al-altaf najjina mimma nakhaf (O Hidden [Holder] of graces, secure us from what we fear) (ii) single words entreaties to God—barakah (blessing), yumn (fortunate/pure and good), afiyah (overall well-being in the world and hereafter)—(iii) Qur’anic excerpts (mainly in Ottoman art) (iv) names of reigning caliphs and rulers (mainly used by the Timurid and Seljuk in Iran, Mamluk in Egypt and Muslims in Spain) and (v) names of God, the prophet Muhammad and the four Rightly Guided Caliphs (in Ottoman art) (Akin-Kivanc, 2020).

Other than rūmī (a), there are also three rūmī’s in category (b) (Fig. 5). All three of them are carved using a technique known as ‘tebuk tembus silat’ (Abdullah, 2012). However, our analysis will only focus on the motif rather than technique as that aspect has been frequently dealt with. As is evident in Fig. 5, the first rūmī (b1) comprises mainly intertwined and overlapping tendrils with flower buds and blossomed flowers. The motif is considered rūmī as the composition also has traits of wings spreading from the middle to left and right¹⁵, similar to rūmī (a) discussed previously. Although woodcarving has been instilled with the philosophy of the Malay culture, its basic forms and composition resemblances rūmī.

Fig. 5: Three rūmī’s in category (b) at Istana Tengku Long.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

The flower motif—located at the top left and right end in the composition in (b1) is sometimes referred to as ‘kelopak hidup’ (Shaffee and Said, 2013) or ‘motif bunga kuncup’ (Abdullah, 2012) which basically translates as ‘living petal’ and ‘flower bud motif’ respectively. However, this motif is known in Turco-Persian Islamic art as ‘goncagül/koncagül (rose bud in Turkish), which is a flower motif under the larger group of khatā’ī¹⁶. This motif represents a closed flower bud that is stylized in the process of blossoming. It is commonly found in the Turkish and Turkic Islamic art of the Ottoman, Seljuk and Anatolian Beyliks (to name a few), particularly for Qur’an and manuscript illumination known as tezhib.

The second rūmī (b2) also has the same wing-shaped composition disguised in the form of creeping tendrils. However, what differentiates rūmī (b2) from the other rūmī’s is the middle part of the composition, which is identified as guldār islīmī (Persian) or hurdeleme (Turkish). According to Abbas (2018), guldār islīmī is a process (dating from the Timurid period) of creating a composite design where two motifs—one bigger than the other—are combined by placing one motif entirely within the other, or one motif overlaps another. The bigger motif is usually islīmī while the smaller one is khatā’ī —a group of flower motifs (Abbas, 2018). However, for rūmī (b2), the bigger motif is similar to the crest rūmī in Fig. 2 (but more leaf-like with three petals) while the smaller motif is penç (or specifically seberk) which is Persian for ‘three petaled flower’ motif composed from bird’s eye view.

The final rūmī (b3) in Fig. 5 also has a wing-shaped composition similar to the rūmī in Fig. 4 and rūmī (b2) but is combined with a variety of motifs, such as the six-petal lotus flower (khatā’ī), goncagül and six-petal penç motif (sadberk). The motif in the middle part of the whole composition can be identified as a six-petal lotus flower (khatā’ī)—like the khatā’ī motif in Fig. 2 but with a different stylization and number of petals—rather than palmette. This is due to the fact the palmette motif usually has fronds that spread out from a single base, while the six petals of the discussed motif do not. Although local scholars have different connotations for the motif (kelopak hidup in Malay woodcarving)—such as sadness, suffering, disappointment and death (Abdullah, 2012) or simply a stylized motif based on the artist’s imagination that is only used by upper-class society in objects and architecture (Khan, 2016; Hussin et al. 2012)—the motif, however, symbolizes purity, oneness of God (Tauhid), ma’rifa (knowledge of God) and the rūh (soul) (Ismail, 2023).

Rūmī (c) is the last category found at Tengku Long’s palace. In this category, there are three distinct types of rūmī’s: c1 is rūmī-toranj and goncagül, c2 is band-i rūmī while c3 is faṣṣālī (combination of islīmī and khatā’ī). As evident in Fig. 6, we can see that there are four units of rūmī-toranj which are facing one another vertically. However, all four units of rūmī-toranj are not identical. Only the bottom two units—both left and right—are similar to each other, while the same follows with the remaining two units on the top. In addition to this, there are several buds (kudup bunga) found in the composition—two facing buds in the center, and four buds on the top left and right of each unit—which can be identified as goncagül motifs. While for (c2), this motif is identified as band-i rūmī as the rūmī is joined with one another by connecting at several meeting points to create a vertical pattern. The last motif (c3) is faṣṣālī. Although the composition and combination can be easily identified, this motif is uniquely different from the traditional definition of faṣṣālī. The reason for this is that the center part of the whole composition can be identified as guldār (a process of combining/placing one motif entirely within another) where two same motifs— khatā’ī (six-petaled lotus)—are superimposed on one another. However, the two khatā’ī have different stylizations where: the smaller one in the middle has six sharp-looking petals and one bud in the middle, while the bigger-outer khatā’ī —that surrounds the smaller one in the middle—has six oval-shaped swirling petals. This faṣṣālī-guldār makes the base for the whole composition, where the islīmī branches out from the oval-shaped swirling khatā’ī petals towards the left and right filling the whole area. This shows that the Turco-Persian influence was acculturated in the Malay culture in terms of selection, combination and stylization of motifs to suit local preferences and philosophy that are deeply rooted in Sufism (Al-Attas, 1972, 1969).

Fig. 6: Three rūmī’s in category (c) at Istana Tengku Long.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

Istana Tengku Nik (1888 CE) and House of Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah (19th century)

The final analysis for the two remaining buildings will be conducted simultaneously as most of the motifs are similar, small in numbers and can be categorized into three groups: rūmī-muthanna, rūmī-penç and khatā’i-muthanna (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7: (Top) Rūmī-muthanna found at the window panel of Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah’s house (Bottom) A calligraphy written in thuluth script placed on top of the rūmī-muthanna motif.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

The first motif that will be discussed is the rūmī-muthanna (combination of rūmī motif with muthanna calligraphy) which reads “Muhammad” that is intertwined and overlapped with rūmī tendrils. This motif is particularly interesting as the rūmī is in the form of toranj (onion-shaped) with one goncagül bud at the top-center and the leaves are stylized like wings, particularly the ones on top left and right. Moreover, there are two penç motifs with four petals (ciharberk) with one ‘c-shaped’ object which holds the “Muhammad” muthanna calligraphy. Although the odd object is not known, it is however found in other discussed rūmī, such as rūmī (b2) (Fig. 5) and the rūmī at Sayid Harun Veli’s tomb in Konya (Fig. 4). This muthanna is also categorized as a multi-letter/multiword muthanna (same as rūmī (a) in Fig. 3) where a similar version but with different stylization is found on an anonymous Ottoman decoupage work on wooden panel currently stored in the Topkapı Palace Museum, Istanbul (Akin-Kivanc, 2020) (Fig. 8). In addition to this, the thuluth calligraphy script which is situated on top of the motif is a verse from the qasīdat al-Burda (Ode of the Mantle) created in the 13^th century CE by Imam Al-Būsīrī (1212–1294 CE), a Muslim poet belonging to the Shadhiliyya Sunni-Sufi order. It reads (from right to left) ‘Muhammadun sayyidul kaunaini wathaqalain’ (Muhammad is the leader of all in this world and the next, and leader of men and jin), ‘Walfariqaini min ‘urbin wamin ‘ajami’ (And leader of the Arab and non-Arab), ‘Nabiyyunal amirunnahi fala ahadun’ (Our prophet is the one who enjoins good and forbids evil. Nobody is…), ‘Abarra fi qauli la minhu wala na’ami’ (Better than him in forbidding evil and commanding good). This shows that the motif and calligraphy serve as a visual reminder for the viewers to follow the sunnatullah and akhlak (moral) of Prophet Muhammad pbuh.

Fig. 8: Wooden panel with the name of Prophet Muhammad in Muthanna.

Source: Muthanna/mirror writing in Islamic Calligraphy: History, Theory and Aesthetics (2020). This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Indiana University Press; copyright © Esra Akin-Kivanc (2020), all rights reserved.

The second motif is rūmī-penç. This motif was also found carved on top of several window panels at Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah’s house (Fig. 9) together with a calligraphy written in thuluth script placed on top of it in different panels.

Fig. 9: Rūmī-penç and thuluth calligraphy placed at window panels of Tengku Ngah Aisyah Hajjah’s house.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

This rūmi-penç motif is very interesting as the wing-shaped rūmī is stylized in the form of toranj, but the inner space is filled with an eight-petaled flower (hashberk) penç motif. Due to its composition as a singular unit motif, it can be identified as rūmī-ağraf (rūmī crest motif) with localized Malay stylization and preferences. Moreover, there are also two goncagül motifs in the center-left and center-right composition (brownish yellow in color) and the ‘c-shaped’ object that ties the vines together at the top-center and bottom-center part of the whole motif. Although the purpose for using the eight-petaled flower is not clearly known (as it is not common in the khatā’ī-penç artistic repertoire), the penç motif might be a disguise for the eight-pointed star geometry (octagram) which represents the rub ‘al-hizb (Islamic star)¹⁷ or the khatam Sulaiman (Seal of Solomon)¹⁸ which is favored by the Seljuks in Anatolia to decorate their architecture (Arslan, 2021, 2017). The thuluth calligraphy script, which reads ‘Daa’ ilallahi fal mustamsikuna bihi’ (He invited to Allah, whoever holds his path) and ‘Mustamsikuna bihablin ghairi munfaswimi’ (They are holding an unbreakable rope) are also from the qasīdat al-Burda by Imam Al-Būsīrī. This ends the analysis of Tengku Ngah’s house as the motifs observed are only limited to the ones available outside, while the interior of the house is closed to the public.

The last motifs that will be analyzed are the two khatā’ī-muthanna found carved on the walls of Tengku Nik’s palace. Although there are several other motifs (similar to the ones discussed previously), this analysis will focus on KM-1 and KM-2 (Fig. 10) as they are new motifs compared to others that are basically repeating the same motifs. Based on the figure shown above, KM-1 consists of six-petaled flower motif (khatā’i) with another smaller half-petaled flower inside of it (khatā’ī-guldār) and connected with the creeping islīmī that surrounds the multiword thuluth-muthanna medallion in the center. This khatā’ī-muthana (together with KM-2) is the biggest, tallest (vertical), detailed and most intricated calligraphy carving found on all three buildings discussed. The calligraphic writing in KM-1 is a prayer taken from the 18th chapter of the Holy Qur’an—surah Al-Kahf (trans. The Cave), verse 10—written in Arabic which reads ‘Rabbana atina min ladunka rahmatan wahhayi’ lana min amrina rashada’ (Our Lord! Bestow on us mercy from Yourself and facilitate for us our affair in the right way [Qur’an: 18:10]). Interestingly, the composition style of the muthanna is similar to the ones found on the main portal Üç Şerefeli Mosque (built 1347–1348 CE) in Edirne, Turkey and the Qur’anic muthanna (Qur’an: 15: 45–48) at the Bab-ı Hümayun of Topkapı Palace, Istanbul (1478 CE) done by Ali bin Yahya el-Sufi (Akin-Kivanc, 2020) (Fig. 11).

Fig. 10: Two khatā’ī-muthanna in Tengku Nik’s palace.

Source: Muhammad Uzair Ismail. This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Muhammad Uzair Ismail; copyright © Muhammad Uzair Ismail, all rights reserved.

Fig. 11: (Left) The main portal Üç Şerefeli Mosque, Edirne (Right) The muthanna at Bab-ı Hümayun, Topkapı Palace, Istanbul.

Source: Muthanna/mirror writing in Islamic Calligraphy: History, Theory and Aesthetics (2020). This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Indiana University Press; copyright © Esra Akin-Kivanc (2020), all rights reserved.

Although similar in terms of the calligraphy, KM-2, however, has a slightly different motif combination. As evident in Fig. 9, KM-2 has a bigger rūmī-toranj motif at the bottom and top which are connected and joined by the interlaced islīmī surrounding the medallion in the middle. This cloud-like-shaped medallion is known in Turkish Islamic art, particularly Qur’an illumination (tezhib) as “kit’a”, which is a small panel where Qur’an verses, hadith and prayers are written in calligraphy (Onat, 2017). Several examples that are similar to Tengku Nik’s kit’a can be found in Ottoman Qur’an manuscript illumination dating from the period of Sultan Mehmed II (1444–1481 CE) and Sultan Bayezid II (1481–1512 CE) as seen in Fig. 12.

Fig. 12: (Top) Ahmed Pasha, son of Veliyüddin, Divan, Bayezid period of illumination (S.K. Ayasofya 3947) (Botton) Ömer b. Abdurrahman el-Kazvini, Keṣful’l-Keṣṣaf, Mehmed II period of illumination (S.K. Amcazade Hüseyin Pasha 77).

Source: Türk Tezhib Sanati (Turkish Art of Illumination) (2020). This figure is not covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Mine Esiner Özen; copyright © Sinan Gözen, all rights reserved.

As shown in the figure above, the similarities between Tengku Nik’s kit’a with Bayezid II and Mehmed II style of Qur’an illumination are identical. Moreover, both of them also share the same motif repertoire, such as rūmī-toranj, khatā’ī, penç, islīmī and goncagül. This indicates that the artistic repertoire used by the Malays in their art of woodcarving—or Malay Islamic art in general—is taken or referred from the art of Qur’an illumination (tezhib). Interestingly, Tan (2003) stated that the scribe who provided the calligraphic composition and mastered the principles of Ottoman calligraphy for the Malay woodcarver in Terengganu is known as ‘Abdurrahman Istanbuli’, in which ‘Istanbuli’ (Istanbul/Turkey) denotes his place of origin or the place where he learned the art of Islamic calligraphy. While Akbar (2015) states another Ottoman influence in Southeast Asia Qur’an—only from the East Coast region—is the ayet ber kenar system that is only found in Ottoman Qur’ans starting from the late 16th century. This further ties the Turco-Persian cultural influences with Southeast Asia, particularly Terengganu in the east coast region of the Malaysian peninsula.

Conclusion

The above analysis done on thirteen (13) motifs used in vernacular palaces in Terengganu reveals traces of Turco-Persian influence in terms of the type, variation, combination and association with the Turkic-Turkish dynasties in Anatolia, Iran and India. The studied motifs are also identifiable and known specifically—particularly the name, distinct characteristics and its variations—when it is analyzed in the context of Turco-Persian artistic repertoire. This finding illuminates the cultural connection between the Malay world (Southeast Asia) with the Eastern Islamic lands in the West through physical visual evidence in the form of artistic production in the absence of historical documentation. Therefore, it is vital to preserve, acknowledge and highlight other sources of influence in Malay Islamic art—even though the shape and combination of the motifs are altered to suit local preferences—for us to truly appreciate and understand our local heritage accurately based on history and social interactions with other Muslim worlds. This research also indicates that the Turco-Persian tradition, together with Sufism ideology, had a significant impact on the artistic production of the Malay community other than Buddha-Hindu or Chinese elements. Hence, it is befitting to include Southeast Asia (or the Malay Archipelago region) in the cultural sphere of the Turco-Persian world.

In addition to this, the Holy Qur’an is identified as the plausible source of Turco-Persian influence on the Malay community as it was most certainly used and carried by the Muslims to teach and spread the religion of Islam in Southeast Asia. This is supported by the analysis done which highlights that much of the studied motifs in Malay woodcarvings are also found in Qur’an illumination that was produced in the geographical region of the Turco-Persian cultural sphere. Although currently there is no physical evidence in the form of a complete and surviving Qur’an manuscript found in the Southeast Asia region to support this conjecture, the discovery is only a question of time as more research in this direction would definitely reveal and authenticate the phenomenon in the near future.