Introduction

Ultras supporter culture is a radical and highly organized group culture of sports supporters that originated in European soccer stadiums and has rapidly expanded globally; Ultras supporters are known for their fervent support, collective rituals, and strong sense of group identity. They are more than just ordinary supporters, they express their loyalty to the team they support in radical ways, often demonstrating their love for the team and the organization by singing and dancing and fighting for the entire 90 min, creating and displaying powerful tifo, and traveling thousands of miles to cheer for the home team.

Existing identity theories have made some progress in understanding supporter culture, providing important insights into supporter behavior and group dynamics. However, with the continuous differentiation and refinement of supporter groups, traditional identity theories may appear to be insufficient in explaining certain supporter radicalization behaviors or the collective behaviors of radicalized groups. Identity fusion theory, proposed by Swann and other scholars, provides a new perspective that emphasizes the deeper connection between individuals and groups (Swann Jr et al. 2009) and may be more suitable for explaining the psychological mechanisms of supporter radicalization behavior. According to the theory, identity fusion is a psychological state in which the boundaries between the individual and the group are blurred and the individual’s self-identity is highly overlapped with the group identity. This deep emotional connection makes individuals willing to sacrifice their personal interests for group goals and remain steadfast even in the face of danger or social pressure (Swann Jr et al. 2009; Whitehouse 2018).

Identity Fusion Theory in explaining military cohesion (Hart and Lancaster 2019) political radicalization (Seyle 2007) and religious extremism (Besta et al. 2014) and other areas have been studied extensively. In the field of sports, the theory has often been the focus of social attention and academic discussion, especially in response to extreme behaviors of supporter groups, such as violent incidents and collective protests. Part of the evidence suggests that identity fusion is effective in predicting pro-group behavior in soccer supporters (Bortolini et al. 2018) and soccer violence (Newson 2019) and the development of lifelong loyalty to clubs (Newson et al. 2016). Numerous researchers have elucidated the components of identity fusion (Swann Jr et al. 2012) and have thoroughly analyzed its possible implications (Swann Jr et al. 2014b) of identity fusion. Traditional identity theory emphasizes the process through which individuals integrate into groups and develop group identity (Tajfel and Turner 1979). In contrast, identity fusion theory focuses on highlighting the profound interconnectedness between individuals and groups across emotional, cognitive, and value dimensions (Swann et al. 2009; Swann et al. 2012), with numerous scholars noting that deep fusion between individuals and groups frequently emerges through participation in rituals and collective activities (Jong et al. 2015; Kavanagh et al. 2019; Lobato and Sainz 2021; Newson et al. 2016; Swann Jr et al. 2012; Whitehouse 2018; Whitehouse et al. 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Whitehouse et al. 2014). Specific ritual elements may intensify these profound connections. For instance, research by Whitehouse and colleagues reveals that individuals in collective rituals tend to imitate causally opaque behaviors to establish profound group connections (Herrmann et al. 2013; Nielbo and Sørensen 2011; Whitehouse 2011, 2012, 2021, 2024). Synchronous ritual behaviors have been empirically shown to blur self-other distinctions, thereby enhancing self-awareness, perceived similarity, belongingness, social intimacy, and facilitating the establishment/maintenance/strengthening/repair of social bonds (Bortolini et al. 2025; Chidichimo 2025; Lobato and Sainz 2020; Zabala et al. 2024b). Intense and agitative (high-intensity emotional reactions) rituals may stimulate fusion between individuals and groups (Hart and Lancaster 2019; Rimé and Páez 2023; Whitehouse 2002, 2021; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Zumeta et al. 2020). These elements have been found to not only strengthen individual-group belongingness but also promote psychological fusion, constituting critical catalysts for identity fusion. However, there remains a relative dearth of empirical research on how collective rituals affect the psychology of supporter groups. Although soccer may not possess exegetical (i.e., the examination and interpretation of the meanings of words in ancient texts) depth, nor is it a conscious ritual act, this does not diminish its powerful role as a ceremonial arena in shaping social interactions and promoting solidarity (Taylor and Taylor 1997). Indeed, the soccer tournament has become a secular ritual that breaks with the norms of everyday life and creates a special liminal zone. In this zone, men are able to freely embrace, kiss, and express a wide range of emotions and feelings that in other contexts might be seen as overly emotional or irrational behavior (Harvey and Piotrowska 2013; Turner 1969). This ritualistic nature of soccer matches provides a platform for people to release their emotions and experience collective passion, making it an important site for social interaction and emotional expression. Therefore, drawing upon identity fusion theory and early related research, we can infer that collective ritual activities effectively facilitate group identity fusion among football fans. However, there remain many unknowns, for example, “standing together in the stands does not make you a homogeneous group.” Then, which specific collective ritual elements play crucial roles in promoting identity fusion among ultras fans? From the perspective of identity fusion theory, the intense emotional experiences during collective ritual activities in stadiums can enhance fans’ emotional identification with the group, cheering behaviors unrelated to match outcomes can strengthen their value identification with the community, and synchronized behaviors among fans can increase their sense of belonging to the group, thus constituting key factors in football fans’ group identity fusion. Regrettably, regarding this inference, early research lacks empirical evidence support. Therefore, the purpose of our study was to fill the gaps in our knowledge in this area by assessing the impact of the collective ritual of soccer on identity fusion through psychometric methods. Specifically, this study aims to answer the following questions:

  1. (1)

    Identifying the presence of identity fusion: to what extent do Ultras exhibit identity fusion characteristics?

  2. (2)

    Identify influencing factors: analyze which specific rituals and experiences are most predictive of identity fusion.

  3. (3)

    Differences in the impact of home versus away: is there a difference in the impact of home game attendance versus away expeditions on identity fusion?

To address the aforementioned research questions, during the two-year fieldwork period, the members of this research team progressively integrated from ordinary fans into the core membership of the Blade Ultras fan group. During this period, team members personally participated in several football matches, specifically including a total of 60 home matches and 20 away expedition matches, as well as participating in various activities organized by the supporters on 20 occasions. In addition, the team participated in the Tifo production process a total of 10 times. Through these field participations and observations, this study has accumulated a wealth of first-hand information, which provides a valuable empirical foundation for a deeper understanding of supporter culture and identity fusion. Through the study, we hope to gain a deeper understanding of how collective rituals psychologically facilitate the fusion between individuals and social groups and explore the far-reaching effects they may have on social organization. Understanding the mechanisms of identity fusion in groups of ultra-supporters can shed light on their cohesion, the rituals that maintain their unity, and the factors that may mitigate or exacerbate their extreme behaviors.

Identity and identity fusion

Identity

“Identity” has two meanings in English: first, “itself, ontology, identity”, and “an ‘essential’, cognitive, socialized, phenomenological or psychological phenomenon that governs human behavior. “ (Benwell and Stokoe 2006); one is “sameness, coherence,” an act or construction that is interpreted by others. This construction occurs in discourse and other social and physical behaviors, such as how we move, where we are, what we wear, how we speak, etc. (Benwell and Stokoe 2006). The term identity is one of the key concepts in social psychological research, linked to concepts such as categories and roles, and usually refers to the distinctive marks and characteristics of a person or group. Personal identity and group identity are two important aspects of identity composition that interact and intertwine in the construction of a person’s self-concept and positioning in society. Personal identity refers to a person’s awareness of his or her unique and individualized characteristics, and is the core of self-identity, which answers the question “Who am I?” “What makes me different?” Such questions. Group identity refers to an individual’s sense of belonging to a social group and of being associated with a particular group (e.g., ethnicity, religion, gender, social class, political party, occupational group, etc) based on shared traits or experiences, and emphasizes the questions, “Who are we?” “How are we connected?”. As Marx once wrote in his Syllabus on Feuerbach, the nature of man is not an abstraction inherent in a single human being, but in its reality, it is the sum of all social relations (Marx 1978). Its significance relates to the individual’s identification with his or her place, role, and belonging in society or a collective, and reveals the relationship between the individual and the social group. Indeed, individual and group identities form an important part of the self-perception system, although most people tend to distinguish between the two. Just as the skin serves as a physical barrier separating the body from the outside world, psychological boundaries distinguish personal identity from group identity (Swann Jr et al. 2009). Identity fusion theory, however, suggests that some people’s personal and group identities are so intertwined that they experience a heartfelt sense of sameness between the two (Swann Jr et al. 2012).

Identity fusion

Origins of identity fusion

The concept of identity fusion first emerged in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the Madrid train bombings. Social psychologist William B. Swann Jr. and his colleagues conceived of the concept of identity fusion in an attempt to explain why some people are willing to exhibit extreme pro-group behavior. Initially, it was a development of personal identity theory, which sought to explain how individuals construct and maintain their self-identities in modern society. This theory complements and extends traditional social identity theory and self-categorization theory, which focus more on how individuals build and maintain a coherent and consistent self-concept and values across social identities than on identity fusion. Identity fusion theory, on the other hand, describes a state of strong connection and fusion between individuals and social groups. In this state, an individual’s individual identity and social identity are not separated, but closely connected, and the boundary between the two identities becomes permeable or even indistinguishable, and this permeable boundary leads to an interaction between the individual’s identity and social identity (Swann Jr et al. 2012). So much so that individuals include in their self-concept not only their own personal identity but also the identity of their social group. When an individual’s personal identity merges with the group identity, individuals have an unusually strong sense of belonging to the group; they not only see themselves as important members of the group from their own perspective, but also feel that the group’s iconic attributes and values are a part of myself through the perspective of the group’s membership, and they place extreme value on the group’s interests and values in their decision-making and behavioral performance, sometimes even willing to make extraordinary personal dedication to the group. For example, researchers among fighters in the anti-Gaddafi revolution in Libya found that identity fusion encouraged people to sacrifice themselves for the good of the group (Whitehouse et al. 2014), Americans who were closely “fused” with their homeland were more inclined to provide support for the victims of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings (Buhrmester et al. 2015).

The concept of identity fusion

Previous research has shown that identity fusion is a unique process that incorporates two foundational and crucial elements: on the one hand, a strong sense of connection between the individual and the group; and on the other hand, the interactivity in this connection (Swann Jr et al. 2012). The first is the sense of connection between the individual and the group; the other is the interaction in this connection. This sense of connectedness stems from the individual’s association with the group and the individual’s relationship with other members of the group, allowing the individual to feel that he or she contributes to the goals and interests of the group on an equal footing with the group and its members. Interactivity, on the other hand, is reflected in the individual’s belief that he or she has a two-way, mutually beneficial relationship with the group and its other members, i.e., the individual is willing to make sacrifices for the group and its other members and believes that the other members will do the same for him or her. In short, this sense of connectedness and interaction forms the core of identity fusion, reinforcing the individual’s loyalty and commitment to the group. This deep psychological bonding involves not only a sense of identity but also emotional and behavioral unity. Identity fusion has been shown to be a more effective predictor of self-sacrificing behavior and extreme loyalty to the group than social identity in a variety of contexts, such as when religious extremists volunteer to become “martyrs” and give their lives for the cause they believe in and for the good of the group (Whitehouse 2018). In the face of enemy forces, fused soldiers tend to stand up for their countrymen and their country’s defense, regardless of their personal safety (Swann Jr et al. 2009). In a study of 11 countries/regions, it was found that those with a high degree of fusion with their country indicated that they were more willing to sacrifice their lives for their country (Swann Jr et al. 2014a). This identity fusion not only reinforces individuals’ emotional attachment to the group but also motivates them to go beyond the usual loyalties and sacrifices in the face of extreme conflicts and crises.

Principles and characteristics of identity fusion

Swann et al. (2010) established four constitutive principles of identity fusion based on interconnectedness and mutual influence, which critically distinguish it from group identification (Swann Jr et al. 2010b):

Agentic-personal-self principle

Traditional social identity theory posits that group behaviors are primarily driven by social identity with minimal influence from individual volition (Baron et al. 1981; Campbell 1989; Haslam et al. 2017). Identity fusion theory contends that highly fused individuals exhibit blurred boundaries between personal and social identities, while maintaining distinct and robust personal agency (Baray et al. 2009). Consequently, their personal volition actively integrates with group behaviors, thereby enhancing group commitment. Swann et al. (2024) conducted a comprehensive review of identity fusion theory, reaffirming this principle’s significance: Highly fused individuals demonstrate autonomous contributions to group objectives rather than complete conformity (Swann et al. 2024). This initiative indicates that they are not merely passive followers but actively internalize group interests as personal objectives (Swann et al. 2024).

Identity synergy principle

Diverging from social identity theory’s unidirectional model (social identity activation → group behavior) (Baron et al. 1981), fusion theory demonstrates bidirectional synergy. The porous identity boundaries in fused individuals enable: (a) personal identity activation enhances pro-group behavior, (b) social identity activation intensifies agentic engagement. This reciprocal reinforcement mechanism fundamentally redefines identity-behavior linkages (Gómez et al. 2020; Lior and Lane 2023; Swann Jr et al. 2010b; Swann et al. 2024).

Relational ties principle

This principle emphasizes that mutual attraction among fused individuals stems from both group prototypicality and distinctive personal attributes. The interaction between unique personal characteristics and group-typical features generates robust relational bonds, explaining why some individuals maintain high individuality despite strong social identification pressures (Lior and Lane 2023; Swann Jr et al. 2012). This contrasts with Social Identity Theory’s proposition that social identification inherently promotes deindividuation and exclusive focus on group prototypicality (Baron et al. 1981; Hogg and Terry 2000).

Irrevocability principle

This principle highlights identity fusion’s temporal stability - once established, individuals tend to maintain fused states despite situational changes (Gómez et al. 2024; Lin 2012). In contrast, group identification remains context-sensitive, potentially diminishing with environmental alterations. Swann et al. confirmed this temporal stability through longitudinal measurements at 6-month intervals (Gómez et al. 2011). Potential mechanisms include: (1) Relational bonds (from the ties principle) creating enduring group attachments; (2) Fusion exclusivity (Swann Jr et al. 2009) limiting alternative group affiliations; (3) Fluid identity boundaries enabling simultaneous activation of threatened social/personal identities (Gómez et al. 2023), with individuals reinforcing fusion through compensatory self-verification mechanisms (heightened loyalty demonstrations during external challenges (Xu et al. 2017)) to reconfirm self-concept (Gómez et al. 2009).

Identity fusion and social identity

Over the years, theorists have discussed many different forms of alignment with groups. Fusion structures are related to, but distinct from, other forms of group bonding, such as social identity, relational and collective group bonding, organizational commitment, and attachment (Swann Jr et al. 2012). Of these predecessors of identity fusion, the concept closest to fusion is social identity, a concept developed to explain intergroup relations in society (Hornsey 2008; Tajfel 1979; Turner et al. 1987) that refers to the extent to which individuals psychologically see themselves as members of a group, a cognitive process that focuses more on the individual’s perception of the group and sense of belonging. It centers on the distinction between personal and social identity and the idea that there is an impermeable boundary between the two. A person’s personal identity and social identity follow the principle of functional antagonism (Pickett et al. 2002). The social identity theory is based on the principle of functional antagonism, which is a wane and wax zero-relationship. Therefore, social identity theory suggests that in group events, the motivation for pro-group behavior depends entirely on the relevant social identity, while personal identity plays no role, and this view emphasizes that the social context shapes the individual’s self (Swann Jr et al. 2010b). And, when social identities are so salient that group members define themselves according to them, they “deindividualize.” The identity fusion view, on the other hand, argues that personal and social identities play a role at the same time, that the two follow a functional synergistically, that the boundaries between them are permeable, and that activating one activates the other (Swann Jr et al. 2009). Therefore, for fused individuals, activation of either personal or social identities leads to extreme pro-group behavior (Swann Jr et al. 2009). At the same time, even when the boundaries between personal and social identities are blurred, the fused individual maintains a separate and robust personal self (Baray et al. 2009).

Identity fusion formation mechanisms

Many scholars have shown that the phenomenon of identity fusion stems from essential features shared between individuals and collectives that encompass both the biological level of connection and the construction of autobiographical memories (see Fig. 1). Some researchers have pointed out that this shared essence can stem from two main pathways: shared biology (kinship) and shared experiences (Vázquez et al. 2017; Whitehouse et al. 2017).

Fig. 1
figure 1

Two pathways to fusion: shared biology (top pathway) and shared experiences (bottom pathway) (Whitehouse 2018).

Full size image

The shared biology pathway is a cross-species phenomenon that begins with phenotypic matching, a process that involves implicit comparisons between an individual’s visual, auditory, olfactory, and behavioral traits and those of a relative (Gerlach and Lysiak 2006; Park et al. 2008). Shared genes have been shown to have a significant impact on the formation of human societies in terms of genetic relationships. Whitehouse found through twin experiments that identical twins have higher genetic similarity and are more inclined to make sacrifices for each other than dizygotic twins and regular siblings (Vázquez et al. 2017). That is, the more genes shared, the greater the identity fusion. However, this fusion due to shared genes is not limited to direct blood relations, but can also be projected into a larger population without genetic relatives through virtual kinship (Swann Jr et al. 2012).

However, the main focus of this study is on the second pathway toward identity fusion, the psychosocial factor, which centers on shared experiences. In this regard, Whitehouse and Lanman (2014) argue that particularly intense events can shape individual identities and that when group members recall these events through the long term, these individuals are more likely to see these events as important shapers of individual and group identities (Richert et al. 2005; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). This finding supports the idea that having emotional experiences that are intense and painful produces lasting memories and deep reflections, which in turn have the power to shape or give personal identity (supporters experience intense emotions at games, such as the joy of scoring a goal in the last minute or the sadness of a major loss). And that the more intense the pain produced as well as the deeper the reflections on the shared experience over time, the stronger the social bonds that are created. Personal and social identities well be fused together by the shared experience of a transformative event, ultimately making it possible for group members to develop a virtual kinship and thus to see each other as psychological relatives (Jong et al. 2015) which can inspire extreme loyalty and self-sacrifice (Tasuji et al. 2020; Whitehouse, 1996; Whitehouse et al. 2017; Xygalatas et al. 2013). Whitehouse and his collaborators have shown that individuals who regularly participate in emotionally charged group rituals report higher levels of identity fusion (Reese and Whitehouse 2021; Whitehouse 2018; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014), such as Bostonians in the aftermath of the 2013 marathon bombings and those who participated in mass mourning ceremonies at the funeral of Queen Elizabeth II (White et al. 2024). As we will see below, part of the research on the second pathway to fusion focuses on collective rituals (Kapitány et al. 2020; Kavanagh et al. 2019; Lobato and Sainz 2020; Newson et al. 2016; Whitehouse et al. 2017).

Ritual

The concept of ritual

By “ritual” we mean a series of culturally sanctioned and collectively performed behaviors that are often characterized by fixed patterns, repetition, and lack of clarity about function or causation (Boyer and Linard 2006; Liénard and Boyer 2006; Rappaport 1999; Rossano 2012; Whitehouse 2011). Rituals are often characterized by fixed patterns, repetition, and uncertainty about function or causation. When we refer to “religion”, we are referring to the supernatural forces that are commonly recognized in cultures of belief, or the social and psychological phenomena that are associated with beliefs (Boyer 2003; Guthrie 1993; Jong 2015; Pyysiäinen 2009; Pyysiäinen 2021; Sutherland 2012), and the collective social actions that these beliefs trigger (Rossano 2012). According to these definitions, rituals may or may not involve supernatural elements, but if they do, they are considered religious.

The term “ritual” is commonly used to denote a wide range of behaviors, from large-scale religious or national ceremonies involving complex procedures to simple personal acts such as following local table manners or making the sign of the cross. In addition, the term relates to life transition ceremonies such as birth rites, weddings, funerals, and bar mitzvahs, as well as the calendar rituals of specific times of the year, such as the celebration of the winter solstice or the harvesting of the first fruits of the season. The emotional experience of these collective behaviors can range from monotonous to extremely emotional and even trigger fear or pain. Participants often invest a great deal of energy, wealth, and time in the performance of the rituals, which may be manifested in frequent communal chanting and prayers or through extravagant consumption and feasting that occurs incidentally but is highly visual and sensual in nature (Whitehouse 2021). However, despite the high costs involved in many rituals, they often have no immediate practical value. For those rituals that seem to serve some practical purpose, it is also widely believed that their effects are through magical powers. This is because the relationship between ritual behavior and stated goals cannot in principle be accounted for in terms of physical causation for they lack a clear and unambiguous chain of causation (Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994; Whitehouse 2011). In other words, these ritual acts have an incomprehensible causal structure. However, they may have a potential role to play in promoting social cohesion, loyalty and driving cooperation. Such roles are of two main types: those that inspire extreme self-sacrifice in small groups in the face of collective action challenges such as external threats; and those that are weaker but more widely disseminated, and can be used to inspire obedience and loyalty among group members in larger “imagined” communities (such as national or global religions) (Whitehouse 2021).

Rituals and sports competitions

Sports competition is a secular ritual that creates a sense of local and national identity (Arens 1976; Cheska 1978; Foley 1990; Guttmann 1978). Extensive research in several countries has shown that sports can be used as a powerful tool to foster a sense of national identity and national belonging. For example, in East Germany and Romania, sports clubs were used to strengthen national identity (Vinokur 1988). In Ireland, sport is seen as a symbol of community division and unity (Sugden and Bairner 1993). In Japan, judo is not only a martial art but also a part of the culture and national identity (Horne et al. 1994). Cameroon’s soccer culture, especially the success of its national soccer team, has also played an important role in shaping national identity and pride (Clignet and Stark 1974). In other words, charismatic religious gatherings and large-scale sporting events do have commonalities in terms of crowd behavior. At soccer games, we can see elements similar to religious rituals. For example, supporters will wear uniform clothing representing their team’s colors to show their identity and recognition, sing and cheer together, and even perform some specific ritual actions. All of which are similar to collective prayers and worship in religious events. The design of the soccer stadium is similar to the ring structure used in religious celebrations, becoming a “holy place” where supporters experience the excitement and emotional catharsis of the game together. In addition, the game has a social cohesion effect, bringing together people of different backgrounds, ages, and social classes to support their team. This collective experience and emotional resonance have similarities to the unity and empathy sought in religious rituals. Through these shared experiences, the game of soccer strengthens the bonds between people and enhances their sense of identity with their community and nation.

Rituals and fusion

Most social scientists have long believed that certain collective rituals (e.g., collective applause, funeral rites, fasting rituals) can hold groups together (Goody 2004; Lobato and Sainz 2021; Shalihin and Sholihin 2022). The fourteenth-century scholar Ibn Khaldu¯n referred to this as “asabı¯yah,” which loosely translates from Arabic as “social cohesion” or “unity” (Khaldun 2014; Turchin 2007).

Anxiety and uneasiness in collective rituals can stimulate strong emotions, which are transformed into distinct and deeply personal memories. These memories prompt introspection and self-reflection, which in turn generate a sense of personal meaning that binds the individual to the group (Atkinson and Whitehouse 2011; Fischer et al. 2014; van Mulukom 2017; Whitehouse 1996, 2018; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Xygalatas et al. 2013). Initially, it was proposed that grief and anxiety rituals may stimulate fusion within the group (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014), for example, Whitehouse (2024) found that people who reported intense grief at the funeral of Queen Elizabeth II showed higher levels of identity fusion and commitment to supporting the group (White et al. 2024). However, subsequent research has shown that rituals that generate positive emotions can similarly enhance identity fusion, in some cases even more so than those that are anxiety-inducing. For example, Kavanagh and other researchers explored the impact of promotion rituals in Brazilian jiu-jitsu schools in a 2019 study, where they observed that positive emotions enhanced levels of fusion among members and club-friendly group behavior over negative emotions (Kavanagh et al. 2019).

Khaldu¯n argues that social cohesion is rooted in kinship, but can be extended to tribes and nations through collective rituals and ideologies. According to Whitehouse (1995) mentioned in, specific elements of rituals (e.g., causal opacity and emotional arousal) tend to foster a sense of psychological kinship among participants (Whitehouse 1995). This relationship is extremely strong, causing people to view other members of the group as close relatives. Based on this evidence, it has been argued that psychological kinship developed through rituals can be equated with identity fusion (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014)? Whitehouse and Hodder, through their study of ancient rituals, have proposed two models of religious beliefs in which rituals act as shapers of psychological affinities doctrinal (repetitive and routine) versus imaginative (highly evocative and emotionally intense) religions (Whitehouse 2014; Whitehouse and François 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). Whereas doctrinal practices are repetitive and routinized behaviors that reinforce collective beliefs, such as weekly church services where participants engage in communal singing, prayers, and sermons (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). The imaginative practices, on the other hand, are intense, emotionally charged experiences that can build strong social bonds, such as the haka dance in rugby and rituals such as scarification or self-flagellation in certain tribal and religious practices (Whitehouse and François 2017). Compared to the routinized practices of doctrinal religions, the intense, emotionally charged rituals of imagined religions can lead to stronger identity fusion (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). In other words, the frequent repetition and predictable rituals of doctrinal rituals reinforce group norms and values and create a stable group identity, but may not produce deep emotional bonds. In contrast, the causal opacity and intense emotional stimulation of imagery practices can create deeper, heartfelt psychological bonds that are critical to identity fusion. A distinguishing feature of the imagery model is that it stimulates transformative experiences through the enactment of traumatic ordeals that become deeply imprinted in participants’ memories. This process prompts participants to engage in interpretation and reflection that lasts for years or even a lifetime (Martin and Pachis 2009; Whitehouse 1995, 2000, 2004). Through constant self-examination and reassessment of the experience, this in turn deepens the transformative impact on personal identity. With this in mind, grounded in Identity Fusion Theory (IFT), this study synthesizes two seminal theoretical strands in collective ritual studies: (1) the Durkheimian collective effervescence framework, and (2) Whitehouse’s imagistic practices from the doctrinal-imagistic dichotomy (Almqvist and Linklater 2015; Bailey and Barclay 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014). By innovatively applying this integrated paradigm to analyze football ultras subculture, we address the underexplored ritual mechanisms in sports collectivism literature. While prior scholarship has predominantly focused on religious and traditional community rituals’ impact on social cohesion (e.g., Ibn Khaldūn’s “asabīyah” concept, Kertzer’s polysemy analysis (Khaldun 2014; Turchin 2007)), this research pioneers the application of an operationalized tripartite ritual framework—encompassing causal opacity, emotional intensity, and behavioral synchrony—to analyze highly organized modern football subcultures, elucidating how ultras supporters reconstruct individual-group identity boundaries through affectively charged collective practices.

Ritual elements that trigger identity fusion

On the one hand, according to the above-mentioned causal opacity of behavior and strong emotional stimuli in imaginative religions are key elements to facilitate identity fusion (Whitehouse 1995). On the other hand, Durkheim argues that participants in rituals develop synchronized behaviors and shared emotional experiences as a result of the presence of others. This empathy triggers a deep emotional resonance that facilitates mutual emotional feedback among participants, ultimately leading to a state of heightened emotion, a collective seething (Rimé and Páez 2023): the collective boiling. In addition, collective rituals are characterized by a series of predetermined actions in which participants share the same focus and engage in synchronous behaviors. This synchronized behavior, mimicry, and shared experience allow people to feel more connected to others (Mogan et al. 2017; Rennung and Göritz 2016; Rimé and Páez 2023). Therefore, according to the results of the relevant studies mentioned above, the components of imagery practice in rituals are causal opaque relationships, high-intensity emotional responses, and synchronicity of behaviors.

Causal opacity

The first component is the causally opaque relationship that is the defining characteristic of ritualized behavior. Both participants and bystanders have difficulty articulating a rationale for ritualized behaviors, arguing that rituals do not have a clear causal logic and that they seem to lack a direct instrumental connection to the ultimate goal being pursued. In performing rituals, it is assumed that these behaviors unfold in particular forms not because they produce the desired effects through conventional causal mechanisms, but because they follow ancient traditions, magical prescriptions, or the requirements of doctrinal authority so that those involved in rituals are often also unable to articulate why they follow particular procedures in particular rituals. Causal opaqueness leads to a remarkable consequence: the symbolic acts of ritual always imply something more than what it says and have multiple meanings at the same time (Moore 1977),which Kertzer refers to as polysemy. In other words, even if people have a deep intuition about the meaning embedded in ritual, they may have difficulty explaining why it is precisely that particular series of actions, and not others, that has become the preferred mode of symbolic expression. This elusive nature means that rituals can carry a wealth of symbolic meaning, while at the same time, one may not be able to pinpoint which particular elements give the ritual its symbolic power. For example, the crossing of the cross is a versatile ritual act that may represent relief or fear, or it may be used to express reverence or piety. Causal opacity can also be seen in Mediterranean soccer culture: the waving of crucifixes and devil masks behind the goal, the sprinkling of salt on the team’s goal - even the sacrifice of roosters and hens - and the wearing of an icon of the club’s scarf (Juventus supporter Jesus) (Bromberger 1987). In some cases, people may not exactly know the real reason why they perform this ritual. The multiple meanings and deep emotional connections of such actions often go beyond the surface physical behavior and touch the core of faith and cultural traditions. However, why is it that behaviors that are not seen as having a rational causal structure can spread through human communities and take root in culture? Psychological research has developed the concept of “over-imitation,” the copying of behaviors for which causation is not obvious. This phenomenon is actually driven by an individual’s desire for social attention and affiliation, rather than simply seeking the actual outcome of an action (Kenward et al. 2011; Nielsen and Blank 2011). This social learning may be an important part of gaining and maintaining group membership (Whitehouse 2011), and individuals may unconsciously learn and internalize social norms and values to integrate more effectively into social groups. Such opacity thus adds mystery to rituals and may enhance their cohesion and symbolic meaning at the cultural and social levels.

Strong emotional reactions

The second key element of rituals is the emotional response of the participants to the ritual, which can vary in intensity from violent to mild. This means that rituals can elicit varying degrees of emotional experience, which can create empathy and emotional connection among participants. These emotional responses may be a key factor in the success and effectiveness of rituals, as they can enhance the impact of rituals on the personal meaning of participants and create a shared emotional climate within the group. According to Richert et al. (2005), rituals that elicit strong emotional responses are more likely to shape identity and be life-changing experiences than those that elicit lower levels of emotional responses (i.e., low arousal) (Richert et al. 2005). In particular, painful or frightening ritual ordeals, such as “hazing” in the military or “initiation rites” in tribal contexts, are associated with particularly strong group bonds (Barth, 1975; Turner 1969; Whitehouse 1996; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014; Whitehouse et al. 2014). Whitehouse et al. (2017) found that in group cultures at U.S. universities, such as fraternities and sororities, members who perceived initiation rituals (hazing) as more critical to their personal identity tended to exhibit higher levels of identity fusion and were more willing to make sacrifices for the good of the group (Whitehouse et al. 2017). However, Newson et al. (2016) also found that when arousal states were triggered by painful emotions (e.g., anxiety or disapproval) or euphoric emotions (e.g., excitement or a sense of well-being), the painful emotions were more likely to lead to deep self-reinvention, which in turn facilitated a high degree of identity fusion and long-term loyalty between the individual and the group (Newson et al. 2016). Páez et al. (2015) found that people express a stronger sense of fusion after participating in a group walking ritual. This relationship was facilitated by perceived emotional synchronization (Páez et al. 2015). Previous research has also shown that pain and suffering experienced during rituals can facilitate empathic arousal, which in turn enhances an individual’s pro-social behavior (Xygalatas et al. 2013). Thus, in addition to high emotional experiences, perceived psychological pain (e.g., a home loss against a key opponent) may also reshape a supporter’s personal identity during game attendance.

Synchrony

The third component is the synchronization of actions between participants in a collective ritual. Synchronicity refers to the matching of rhythmic behaviors between people, and collective rituals are characterized by a sequence of predetermined actions in which participants share a focus of attention and synchronized behaviors, such as marching, singing, dancing, or mimicking the same gestures and slogans (Collins 2004b; Páez et al. 2015). In the context of supporter events, this concept can refer to cheering actions (songs, gestures, flags) that are agreed upon with other organization members who will be under the direction of the raid leader’s shout, as well as pre-game preparatory activities such as making and setting up a Tifo with organization members. Several studies have shown that synchronicity enhances perceived similarity between individuals (Rabinowitch and Knafo-Noam 2015; Valdesolo and DeSteno 2011) and promotes a sense of unity or “oneness” within the group (Lakens 2010; Lakens and Stel 2011; Reddish et al. 2016). In short, when people synchronize their behavior with others, they not only feel congruent with others but also experience emotional resonance, which further influences their commitment and response to collective activities. Thus, these synchronized behaviors that constitute rituals are considered to be one of the precursors of perceived emotional synchrony (Collins 2004b; Durkheim 1915; Emile Durkheim 2016; Páez et al. 2015). Emotional synchrony, in turn, mediates the effects of behavioral engagement on various outcomes of collective participation (Wlodarczyk et al. 2020; Zabala et al. 2024a). Through these synchronized actions and experiences, people develop a psychological sense of belonging and feeling part of a larger whole. This sense of belonging plays an important role in social cohesion and social identity formation (Mogan et al. 2017; Rennung and Göritz 2016; Rimé and Páez 2023). Synchronization with others also seems to deepen individuals’ perceptions of self and others on a psychological level, thus shaping their self-concepts, such as self-construction (Markus 1991). Previous research has shown that synchrony affects group behavior, such as members showing pro-sociality toward other members (Launay et al. 2014; Reddish et al. 2013) or toward outgroup members (Reddish et al. 2016). This synchronicity with others can also be applied to the context of supporter cultures, such as human waves (“Mexican waves”), large Tifo displayed uniformly in the stands, and uniform dress codes.

Overall, the ritual elements of imagery practices help facilitate the fusion of personal and social identities. This means that various components of rituals, such as causal opacity, intensity of emotional responses, and synchronicity (including behavioral unity and emotional resonance), can drive individuals to integrate their own self-identity with the values and goals of the organization in which they are embedded, leading to the fusion of identity at the level of the individual and the organizational group. By participating in these rituals, individuals come to see themselves as part of a social collective and internalize the collective’s identity and interests in their self-perception. Within supporter culture, a range of specific elements may inspire a shift in supporter self-identity. These include specific meeting gestures between supporters, exclusive organizational identities (e.g., distinctive clothing, stickers, tattoos), and full-throated cheering throughout the game regardless of winners and losers (which exemplifies causally opaque behaviors), as well as unified cheering actions (which exemplify synchronicity) under the instructions of the raid leader shout. In addition, supporters’ travel to away games typically involves long-distance travel and psychological exhaustion (including negative emotions), as well as feelings of excitement (i.e., agitation) while attending the game, experiences that may contribute to the convergence of supporter identities. In short, these multidimensional experiences and behaviors not only deepen the bonds between supporters but also strengthen their identification and fusion of supporter identities.

The present research

The aim of this study was to explore the ritual elements that trigger the fusion of supporters’ identities in the context of supporter culture. Therefore, we focused on the relationship between causal opacity, synchronicity, and agonistic and painful factors in ritual theory and identity fusion. Soccer provides a routine space where collective identity can be expressed, and supporters’ match-attendance behavior can be understood as a ritual practice because their actions involve behavioral and cognitive patterns associated with rituals, such as experiencing physical pain, including physical exertion and losing at home (the pain factor), organizational displays of cohesion and fighting spirit (the excitement factor), collective singing and cheering (the synchronicity factor), and the opacity of the transparent causal behaviors (e.g., full-throated singing and dancing and cheering regardless of whether they win or lose, wearing uniformed combat uniforms, and wearing the organization’s exclusive logo).

From an imagery-based practice perspective, based on the theory of “shared experience pathways to fusion,” we predicted that (1) the level of emotional intensity and the degree of physical exertion reported by supporters present would predict the fusion of identities with co-participants. Considering that the causal opacity and synchronicity of ritual behaviors can create deeper, heartfelt psychological connections between group members, we predicted that (2) supporters displaying non-winning cheering behaviors (e.g., wearing battle dress, 90-min jumps) would be positively associated with identity fusion. (3) Synchronization among supporters (e.g., group singing to create a collective sense of rhythm and synchronization, uniform display of tifo or banner in the stands) is positively related to identity fusion.

Method

Participants

A total of 206 participants were included in the sample during the first three phases of this study, all of whom were male supporters of Chengdu Rongcheng Football Club, affiliated with the Red Blades Supporter Club, and had experience attending matches on-site, including home matches and away expeditions. After applying the above inclusion criteria, three participants who did not meet the criteria were excluded from the initial 209 questionnaires. For a specific away match, the Chengdu Rongcheng team’s 1–1 draw away from home with Qingdao West Coast was selected as the context for this study, and the fourth stage of the study was conducted on the 69 supporters who participated in the expedition to that match. This methodological refinement ensured the representativeness of the sample and the accuracy of the findings.

Procedures and measures

Participants completed the online survey by scanning a QR code. This study was conducted in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration of 1964 and its subsequent amendments. The survey consists of 14 questions, with scenarios set for home matches (6 questions) and away games (6 questions), as well as 2 questions measuring identity fusion. This study employed the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) to assess fans’ emotional states during matches. The single-item affect descriptors (e.g., “excitement”) demonstrate strong face validity in retrospective emotion reporting, particularly suitable for time-sensitive field research contexts like sporting events and emergency situations(Sandín et al. 1999). To mitigate potential memory biases and subjective distortions in self-reporting, we streamlined the scale following Robinson and Clore’s (2002) accessibility model of emotional memory (Robinson and Clore 2002). This adaptation aimed to enhance recall accuracy of transient emotional experiences. Specifically, we selected PANAS items contextually relevant to match-watching scenarios (e.g., excitement, tension, sadness) and adapted them into single-item measurement formats. This simplified approach preserves the core affective dimensions while reducing cognitive load and recall inaccuracies associated with complex scales. Furthermore, the condensed measurement tool enables direct assessment of emotional intensity dynamics during live matches, effectively preventing affective state misclassification or omission caused by instrument fatigue. On average, it takes participants 2 min to complete the survey. Before the study began, informed consent was obtained from all participants. We provided participants with detailed information regarding the research objectives, procedures, potential risks, and benefits. We also assured them that participation was voluntary, and they could withdraw from the study at any time without any consequences. The survey tool is divided into several sections, as described below.

Study 1: Identity fusion

Given that pictorial scales may not fully capture an individual’s thought process and rationale for choices when responding (Gómez et al. 2011; Swann Jr et al. 2009), this study used a verbal scale designed by Swann et al. to assess the degree of identity fusion. Specifically, a 5-point Likert scale was utilized to measure identity fusion through two of its questions (Gómez et al. 2011) The items included “I am with the team” and “I am with the team bounded together for good or ill”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). By averaging the scores for these two items, we assessed the degree of identity fusion. Because the identity fusion scores violated the assumption of normality (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test: b = 0.282, p < 0.01; Shapiro-Wilk test: b = 0.796, p < 0.001), we created a dummy variable based on the scale scores to distinguish participants whose identities were not fused with other supporters (score ≤ 4, gain score = 0) and participants whose identities were fused (score > 4, gain score = 1). This approach allowed us to more precisely distinguish between participants with different identity fusion statuses, facilitating further statistical analyses.

Study 2: The home front: procedures and measures

Opaque causal action between supporters

As demonstrated by Watson-Jones et al. (2014) and Legare et al. (2015), causal opacity constitutes an essential component of ritualistic practices (Legare et al. 2015; Watson-Jones et al. 2014). This study operationalizes causal opacity as the defining characteristic of ritual practice, wherein actors cannot rationalize the efficacy of ritual behaviors through physical causality. The fundamental distinction from instrumental behavior lies in ritual’s causal opacity: it manifests not merely as the unfalsifiability of behavioral logic, but more crucially in participants’ active construction of symbolic explanatory systems that supplant physical causal explanations (Legare and Herrmann 2013; Legare and Souza 2012; Souza and Legare 2013). Exemplars include choreographed cheers with fixed sequences but no tactical utility, and standardized combat attire worn not for practical needs (e.g., warmth/protection) but to construct group identity through what Bourdieu (1990) termed “embodied symbolic capital” (Bourdieu 1990). Through 28-month participatory observation as a core Ultras group member, the researcher documented ritual behaviors across 110+ organized events, with deep interviews revealing symbolic interpretations: “This jersey is sacred vestment - wearing it transforms us into the 12th player” (combat attire), “Our chants ignite players’ passion like tribal war drums” (90-min performances), and “Away-game pilgrimages prove loyalty through distance endured.” Interviews revealed consistent overimitation tendencies (Legare et al. 2015): Ultras meticulously replicate behavioral sequences from predecessors despite being unable to articulate their tactical rationale. Consequently, these specific Ultras behaviors were systematically identified as manifesting causal opacity characteristics for measurement.

  1. 1.

    Ritual Attire: The standardized combat attire (with regulated emblem placement and taboo color combinations) constitutes embodied symbolic capital through sartorial codification. Although donning combat attire typifies fan rituals, it exhibits no causal relationship with match outcomes. These sartorial norms operate through collective unconscious: their material properties (e.g., fabric thickness) remain decoupled from physical functionality (e.g., thermal retention), rather functioning as Durkheimian “collective representations” (1912/1995) that demarcate group boundaries (Emile Durkheim 2016). The uniform-wearing ritual exerts no direct impact on match proceedings, mirroring Whitehouse’s (2004) initiation rituals where Ultras internalize group belongingness through combat attire rather than pursuing practical utility (Whitehouse 2004).

  2. 2.

    90-Minute Choreography: The fixed-sequence chanting, while enhancing stadium atmosphere and team morale, lacks direct tactical functionality. Its impact on match outcomes remains indirect and non-quantifiable, functioning primarily as affective catharsis.

  3. 3.

    Away Pilgrimages: The ritualized journey to away games constructs sacred “pilgrimage corridors.” While not enhancing athletic performance, it materially embodies Whitehouse’s (2004) “doctrinal mode” of religiosity through disciplined repetition (Whitehouse 2004).

These behaviors exemplify psychological definitions of causal opacity through their ambiguous means-end relationships and demonstrated efficacy in strengthening belongingness, identity fusion, and group cohesion (Larson 2024; Legare and Herrmann 2013; Umbreș 2022; Whitehouse 2024). In order to assess the causal opacity of home game-attending supporters’ behavior, we measured it using a Likert scale with questions such as “I will always wear my organization’s fight shirt to the home stadium to cheer for my team, even though this may not always result in a win for my team”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree), and so on.

Synchrony

In order to measure synchronization between supporters attending home games, questions such as “I will join everyone in the stands to unify the Tifo display and make a statement”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree), etc. were used. Table 1 reports the descriptions and summary of answer options for all the above variables.

Table 1 Opacity causal actions and synchronicity among home game supporters.
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Level of emotional arousal

Supporters rated the intensity of their physical exertion and sadness at home on a scale of “The degree of physical exertion from sustained jumping, singing, and other cheering behaviors throughout the 90 min at home,” 1 (very low exertion) to 5 (very high exertion) and “The degree of sadness I felt after suffering a defeat at home against our main rival “, a scale of 1 (not sad at all) to 5 (extremely sad) rated the intensity of their physical exertion and sadness.

Study 3: Away from home: procedures and measures

Opaque causal action between supporters

In order to assess the causal opacity of the behavior of supporters who travel away from home, a Likert scale was used to measure this, with questions such as “I would travel away from home as I always have, even though this does not necessarily result in a win for the team”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree), and so on.

Synchrony

In order to measure the synchronization among supporters, the question used “Despite the small number of people in the away stadium, all the members of the organization follow the instructions of the rain leader and agree on the same cheering actions (songs, gestures, flags)”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree), and so on. Table 2 reports the descriptions and summary of answer options for all of the above variables.

Table 2 Opacity causal actions and synchronicity among away expedition supporters.
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Level of emotional arousal

Supporters at away games were rated on a scale of “How bothered are we by the delay in exiting the stadium due to the management of the home side when we are away from home?”, 1 (not at all disturbed) to 5 (extremely disturbed) and “The level of excitement I felt at the cohesion and fighting spirit we showed despite the small number of our supporters at the away end” on a scale of 1 (not at all excited) to 5 (extremely excited) to rate the intensity of the emotion they felt disturbed or excited.

Study 4: Specific guest sites: procedures and measures

Identity fusion

To enhance the precision of the assessment, Study 4 adopted a well-established language scale to quantify the dimensions of identity fusion. The scale consists of seven entries (see details in Table 3), such as “I am with the team,” and participants were asked to rate their agreement with each entry on a 5-point Likert scale (1 for “strongly disagree” and 5 for “strongly agree”). This method captures a more complete picture of the extent to which participants agree with each item. This method was able to capture the distribution of individual scores on the identity fusion scale in a more comprehensive manner, thus providing more detailed and accurate data for the study.

Table 3 Fusion scale used in study 4.
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Opaque causal action between supporters

In order to assess the causal opacity of the behavior of the supporters of a particular away expedition, we measured it using a Likert scale, with questions such as “Despite not knowing before the match whether the team will secure the qualification for the second tier of the AFC Champions League, I will still be determined to accompany the team on the away expedition to Qingdao,” (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree).

Synchrony

In order to measure the synchronization among supporters, the questions used “Although we are few in number in Qingdao, I still follow the instructions of the rain leader with the members of the organization and agree on the same cheering actions (e.g., songs, gestures, flags)”, (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree), and so on. Table 4 reports the descriptions and summary of answer options for all of the above variables.

Table 4 Opacity causal actions and synchrony among away expedition supporters in specific games.
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Level of emotional arousal

Supporters rated the intensity of their emotions at specific away matches on a scale of “Although we were outnumbered in Qingdao, I felt”, 1 (not at all excited) to 5 (extremely excited) for the unity and fighting spirit shown by our organization and the team and “Even though traveling to Qingdao was different from playing at our home matches when the team secured qualification for the second tier of the AFC Champions League I felt” on a scale of 1 (not at all excited) to 5 (extremely excited) to rate the intensity of their emotions of distress or excitement.

Results

Degree of identity fusion

First, Study 1 used the mean scores of the two entries in the language scale as an indicator to assess the degree of identity fusion. Specifically, a histogram was constructed to visualize the data distribution (cf. Fig. 2), where the mean score is 4.22. The percentage of individuals in the sample with a score of 5 reaches 48.5%, while the percentage of individuals with a score of 4.5 is 9.7%. Taken together, supporters exhibiting higher levels of identity fusion comprise 58.2% of the total sample. This result provides quantitative evidence that identity fusion is somewhat prevalent in the ultras supporter base. In Study 4, which was conducted for a specific away game, the data showed (cf. Fig. 3) that the average score of the sample was 4.43. the percentage of individuals in this sample who scored more than 4 was 68.1%, a percentage that reveals that the majority of Ultras supporters involved in expeditions to specific away matches exhibit a high level of identity fusion.

Fig. 2
figure 2

Study 1: Identity convergence score.

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Fig. 3
figure 3

Study 4: Identity convergence score.

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Relevance of ritual practices to identity fusion

In the second step, we conducted a binary correlation analysis of all the variables in Study 2 and Study 3. The purpose of this analysis was to reveal which variables were correlated with identity fusion in both studies. The results, as shown in Table 4, showed that identity fusion in Study 2 was significantly correlated with the following variables: cheering in combat uniforms (r = 0.713, p < 0.001), singing and dancing cheering that lasted for 90 min (r = 0.682, p < 0.001), consistent cheering actions (r = 0.637, p < 0.001), and uniformly displaying Tifo (r = 0.667, p < 0.001), physical exertion (r = 0.398, p < 0.001), and sadness level (r = 0.429, p < 0.001). In Study 3, in addition to level of distress (r = 0.134, p = 0.055), identity fusion was associated with expedition as usual (r = 0.591, p < 0.001), fearless home supporters and cheering with full force (r = 0.758, p < 0.001), consistent cheering behaviors (r = 0.710, p < 0.001), and uniform display of banners on the road (r = 0. 601, p < 0.001), and excitement (r = 0.598, p < 0.001) were significantly correlated with the variables.

In the final phase of the study, a regression analysis was implemented to identify which ritual elements significantly predicted identity fusion. In this analysis, the degree of identity fusion was set as the dependent variable, while other variables related to identity fusion served as independent variables. We conducted a binary logistic regression analysis of supporter behaviors in home game-viewing and away expedition scenarios, specifically the causally opaque behaviors, intensity of emotional reactions, and synchronous behaviors of home supporters in wave1, and the corresponding behaviors of away supporters in wave2. The results of the regression analysis are detailed in Tables 5 and 6.

Table 5 Regression analysis of ritual practices of home game attendance on supporter identity fusion.
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Table 6 Regression analysis of ritual practices of away expeditions on the fusion of supporter identities.
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Home game

For the home game viewing context (Study 2), ritual practices significantly predicted identity fusion in home matches. The strongest predictor was causal opacity (OR = 2.380, 95% CI [1.567, 3.615], p < 0.001), indicating 138% increased fusion likelihood per unit increase. Synchronized behaviors (OR = 1.581, 95% CI [1.088, 2.299], p = 0.016) and emotional intensity (OR = 1.334, 95% CI [1.010, 1.763], p = 0.043) enhanced fusion likelihood by 58.1% and 33.4% respectively. The model demonstrated strong explanatory power (Nagelkerke’s R2 = 0.711), indicating ritual practices as core drivers of identity fusion. VIFmax = 1.829 (emotional intensity), model exhibited acceptable multicollinearity levels per the VIF < 5 criterion.

Away game

For the away expedition scenario (Study 3), causal opacity (OR = 2.476, 95% CI [1.647, 3.724], p < 0.001) and synchronized behaviors (OR = 1.716, 95% CI [1.261, 2.333], p = 0.001) increased fusion likelihood by 147.6% and 71.6% respectively. Although emotional intensity showed nonsignificant effects (OR = 1.153, 95% CI [0.877, 1.517], p = 0.307), the model maintained strong explanatory power (Nagelkerke’s R2 = 0.724), revealing distinct ritual drivers compared to home contexts. VIFmax = 1.581 (emotional intensity), model exhibited acceptable multicollinearity levels per the VIF < 5 criterion.

Specific away game

The above results suggest that there are differences in the influence of ritual elements on supporter identity fusion between home and away contexts, with causal opacity and synchronized behavior being strong predictors in both models, while the influence of emotional intensity is moderated by context. This may be attributed to the fact that the study used a generic questionnaire and did not analyze it for a single specific away game, leading to differences in participants’ emotional responses across away games, as well as possible memory ambiguity. Therefore, in order to more accurately assess the impact of emotional reactions on identity fusion, a new survey was added to the study (Study 4) and the key match in which Chengdu Rongcheng drew 1–1 away to Qingdao West Coast and locked in the second tier of the AFC Champions League qualification on October 27, 2024, was used as the study scenario (see Table 7). With this specific case, we aimed to assess which ritual elements predicted identity fusion in a given away match and repeated the regression analysis with identity fusion as the dependent variable. To further improve accuracy, we used the average of seven question scores from the language scale to assess identity fusion (Gómez et al. 2011), by which the distribution of individual scores on the fusion scale is captured more comprehensively, thus providing a more robust basis for the regression analysis. The results of the regression analysis showed that emotional intensity (OR = 1.656, 95% CI [1.004, 2.732], p = 0.048), causal opacity (OR = 1.471, 95% CI [1.033, 2.095], p = 0.032), and synchronized behaviors (OR = 1.546, 95% CI [1.019, 2.344], p = 0.040) enhanced fusion likelihood by 65.6%, 47.1%, and 54.6% respectively. Moderate explanatory power (Nagelkerke’s R2 = 0.437) suggested attenuated yet predictive ritual effects in unique away settings compared to regular matches. VIFmax = 1.412 (causal opacity), model exhibited acceptable multicollinearity levels per the VIF < 5 criterion.

Table 7 Regression analysis of ritual practices on supporter identity fusion at selected away games.
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Discussion

Conclusions of the study

The construction of a sense of rivalry, expressed in the distinction between “us” and “them”, is a deeply rooted phenomenon in competitive sports, especially in soccer, a globally popular sport. This distinction not only stems from the competitive rivalry between teams but is also closely related to supporter culture. This dichotomy in supporter culture further reinforces the boundaries between supporters of different teams through a range of psychosocial mechanisms such as identity, belonging, and exclusivity. These cultural dimensions, combined with the direct confrontation of sport, together constitute the inevitable “us” versus “them” dichotomy in soccer. Identity fusion provides a new theoretical perspective for understanding extreme supporter behavior in soccer. Part of the evidence has shown that identity fusion is effective in predicting the pro-group behavior of soccer supporters (Bortolini et al. 2018), given that identity fusion leads to supporter-generated soccer violence (Newson 2019), the serious consequences of collective protests, etc., and given the fact that religious rituals and soccer matches do share commonalities in terms of crowd behavior, it seems interesting to study the formation mechanism of supporter identity fusion from the perspective of collective rituals. Therefore, in this study, we focus on exploring those ritualistic factors that may trigger identity fusion. Specifically, we analyze in depth three factors, namely causal opacity, synchronicity, and strong emotional responses, which may stimulate identity fusion in the context of supporters’ home game attendance and away excursions.

This empirical study reveals the existence of identity fusion within Ultras fan groups and its association with collective ritual behaviors, confirming the differential effects of three ritual elements (causal opacity, synchrony, and emotional intensity) on identity fusion. These findings provide new theoretical insights into the psychological mechanisms underlying Ultras fan behaviors through the lens of collective rituals’ socio-psychological functions. The results demonstrate that ~58.2% of the sample exhibited high-level identity fusion characteristics (Study 1), with both causal opacity (e.g., outcome-independent cheering) and synchronized behaviors (e.g., unified chanting movements) significantly predicting identity fusion across home/away contexts (Studies 2–4). Notably, emotional intensity demonstrated context-dependent effects: significant in home stadiums and critical away matches (e.g., AFC Champions League qualification deciders), but non-significant in regular away contexts. This discrepancy can be contextualized through environmental determinants: match significance (Tyler and Cobbs 2015), social pressure (Branscombe et al. 1999), and in-group identity intensity (Cottingham 2012; Van Stekelenburg 2013). Study 4 examined affectively charged away matches, exemplified by Chengdu Rongcheng FC’s 1–1 draw with Qingdao West Coast FC that secured AFC Champions League 2 qualification. This milestone event actualized Blade Ultras’ collective aspiration of “ break through Asia”, with retrospective interviews revealing intensified emotional responses when match outcomes carried consequential implications for club trajectories. Neurocognitive evidence suggests enhanced episodic memory consolidation under high-arousal conditions, particularly regarding contextual details and event stability (Finkenauer et al. 1998; MacKay and Ahmetzanov 2005). The oxytocin-mediated neuroendocrinal hypothesis posits that heightened emotional states during critical matches stimulate hypothalamic-pituitary release of bonding neuropeptides (e.g., oxytocin) (Butler et al. 2025; Kavanagh et al. 2019), thereby amplifying the emotion-identity fusion nexus and collective cohesion. Converging evidence from Swann et al. (2010a; 2010b) demonstrates pressure-induced endorsement of parochial altruism (Swann Jr et al. 2010a), while Whitehouse’s (2004) ritual typology identifies high-arousal events as triggers for imagistic mode cognition - a feedback loop where visceral emotional experiences potentiate identity fusion (Whitehouse 2004), which in turn amplifies affective intensity (Kavanagh et al. 2019). Qualitatively, flashbulb memory formation emerged in post-qualification interviews, wherein affectively saturated events with high self-relevance underwent cognitive reappraisal cycles, progressively deepening identity fusion through mnemonic reinforcement (Newson 2017; Swann et al. 2024). Longitudinal mnemonic engagement sustains and intensifies identity fusion through nostalgic reverie - an auto-reinforcing process where memory retrieval rituals regenerate club allegiance (Merck et al. 2020; Talarico and Rubin 2003). These findings validate the irreversibility axiom of identity fusion: once crystallized, the fusion state demonstrates temporal persistence with potential autocatalytic strengthening, resisting natural decay through memorial practices (Silva et al. 2020; Swann Jr and Buhrmester 2015; Swann et al. 2024). Methodologically, Study 3’s generic questionnaire design introduced ecological validity constraints by failing to operationalize context-specific affective dimensions. The measurement instrument’s context-agnostic nature compromised its capacity to elicit and capture situated emotional schemas and motive states. Standard away matches typically lack the liminal quality required for identity intensification, presenting reduced sociostructural pressurization and attenuated in-group salience. These parameters create subthreshold conditions where emotion intensity fails to attain predictive significance for identity fusion. Future research directions should adopt ecological momentary assessment (EMA) frameworks to quantify: 1. Match meaningfulness indices. 2. Sociometric pressure gradients. 3. Dynamic identity strength metrics. This tripartite approach would elucidate context-dependent moderating effects on the emotion-fusion covariance structure, advancing theoretical models of collective behavior. These findings not only validate the applicability of identity fusion theory to Ultras communities, but through documentation of sacrificial behaviors (90-min continuous jumping, long-distance expeditions, unconditional support), elucidate ritual elements’ catalytic role in fusion development. This challenges the explanatory boundaries of traditional social identity theory regarding pro-group behaviors. The following discussion analyzes these findings through the lens of existing literature, examining each ritual element systematically.

Causal opacity: cultural internalization and symbolic bonding

The study revealed that causal opacity significantly predicted identity fusion in both home and away contexts (home: p = 0.002; away: p < 0.001). For instance, fans’ “outcome-independent cheering behaviors” (e.g., 90-min continuous jumping), while lacking instrumental utility, reinforced group belonging through symbolic significance. This finding aligns with Kertzer’s (1988) “ritual polysemy” theory (Kertzer 1988) - causally opaque behaviors carry multivalent cultural meanings (e.g., loyalty, resistance), allowing differential interpretations by individuals/groups (Berniūnas 2024a, 2024b; Raphael 2017). The opacity enables norm reinforcement through repetitive practice rather than logical comprehension (Berniūnas 2024a, 2024b; Patterson et al. 2014). Through ritual adherence, members engage not merely in rule-following but in “self-construction” (Russo et al. 2020), where personal identity progressively merges with group identity. As Whitehouse (2014) notes, such behaviors blur individual-group boundaries via “shared experience pathways” (Whitehouse and Lanman 2014), transforming cheering into identity expression rather than utilitarian action. Through these pathways, personal goals become indistinguishable from collective objectives. Cheering behaviors evolve from externally incentivized acts to intrinsically motivated self-expressions. Illustratively, fans cheer not “to make the team win” but because “cheering constitutes their identity signature” (Kruglanski et al. 2018; McAnnally-Linz 2016; Nagle 2017). Study 4 demonstrated this mechanism through Qingdao away fans’ “resolute expeditions to AFC Champions League qualifiers” (p = 0.002), showing how causal opacity in high-stakes contexts (e.g., continental qualification deciders or local derbies) intensifies goal internalization, catalyzing deeper fusion that motivates personal sacrifices (long-haul travel, financial expenditures) (Swann Jr et al. 2014a; Swann Jr et al. 2012). However, this internalization carries risks: Swann et al. (2014a; 2014b) found fused individuals may moralize group objectives, potentially rationalizing extreme behaviors (violent cheering) as ethical imperatives (Swann Jr et al. 2014a). Thus, while causal opacity functions as a fusion catalyst, its capacity for irrational behavioral escalation warrants cautious consideration.

Synchrony: emotional resonance and collective effervescence

Synchrony significantly enhanced identity fusion in both home (p = 0.016) and away contexts (p < 0.001), substantiating Durkheim’s (1915) “collective effervescence” theory - coordinated actions (e.g., unified cheers) trigger emotional resonance among group members, fostering a transcendent sense of oneness (Emile Durkheim 2016). Study 2 revealed strong correlations between home fans’ coordinated Tifo displays (r = 0.667) and Study 3’s away fan adherence to chant leader directives (r = 0.710), demonstrating synchrony’s dual mechanisms: First, behavioral coordination heightens perceived similarity (Lakens 2010), as evidenced by rhythm-synchronized singing, flag-waving, and Tifo exhibitions that construct a collective “we” framework (Salmela 2014). Second, emotional synchrony mediates this process (Páez et al. 2015), where coordinated actions induce shared affective states that transmute external behaviors into profound belongingness (Lee 2016; Stieler and Germelmann 2016). Collins’ (2004) interaction ritual chain theory further elucidates this mechanism: Synchronized behaviors establish “shared focal points” (e.g., team emblems) while accumulated emotional energy reinforces group identification (Collins 2004a). Notably, Study 4’s Qingdao away fans demonstrated pronounced synchrony effects (p = 0.040), revealing that under high-pressure scenarios (e.g., AFC Champions League qualification battles), synchrony functions not merely as behavioral coordination but as symbolic resistance against external stressors - a manifestation of group resilience that intensifies fusion (Mikko and Michiru 2016).

Emotional intensity: meaning-driven contextual dependency

The predictive power of emotional intensity on identity fusion demonstrated significant contextual variation: significant in home stadiums (p = 0.043) and critical away matches (p = 0.048), but non-significant in regular away contexts (p = 0.307). These findings partially support Whitehouse’s (2017) “high-arousal promotes fusion” hypothesis, confirming that high-arousal emotions (e.g., excitement, sorrow) enhance identity fusion, while emphasizing the critical requirement of emotional-group goal semantic coupling (Whitehouse et al. 2017). For instance, home fans’ “physiological exertion” (r = 0.398) and “sorrow over defeats against key rivals” (r = 0.429) derive efficacy from the stadium’s role as a “sacred space” (Guttmann 1978) where emotionally-charged experiences acquire belongingness significance to reinforce fusion. Conversely, Qingdao away fans’ “arousal levels” (p = 0.033) predicted fusion effectively through integration with AFC Champions League qualification objectives, constituting what Newson et al. (2016) term “self-redefining events” - where intense emotions become identity anchors via reflective memories (e.g., “qualification-clinching moments”) (Fredman et al. 2015; Schubert et al. 2008). In contrast, regular away match emotions (e.g., “frustration over delayed exits”) failed to elicit deep fusion due to absence of meaningful anchoring. This discovery challenges the universality of arousal theory, proposing a “meaning-driven emotional integration model”: while emotional valence (positive/negative) influences behavior, the symbolic linkage between emotional significance and group objectives proves pivotal. The core mechanism lies in emotional valence’s symbolic alignment with collective goals, reconceptualizing emotions not merely as physiological responses but as sociocognitive components of group identity formation (Fischer and Manstead 2016; Páez et al. 2015). This model framework elucidates how ritualized emotional experiences facilitate identity fusion, while explaining contextual variations in emotional intensity’s efficacy across different match scenarios.

Identity fusion and self-sacrifice: theoretical extension beyond social identity

Traditional social identity theory emphasizes cognitive mechanisms of group belongingness and intergroup differentiation, positing that individuals self-identify as group members. However, its explanatory power proves limited when addressing extreme self-sacrificial behaviors (e.g., violence, expeditionary support) (Reicher et al. 2010; Tajfel et al. 1979). This framework assumes a “functional antagonism” principle (Pickett et al. 2002) between personal and group identities - heightened group identity suppresses personal identity, reflecting static “membership” rather than dynamic behavioral motivations. In contrast, identity fusion theory proposes a dynamic integration mechanism of “personal-group boundary dissolution” (Swann Jr et al. 2012). When personal and group identities become highly fused, individuals reconceptualize collective objectives as personal goals, thereby explaining Ultras fans’ sacrificial behaviors (Bortolini et al. 2018; Swann Jr et al. 2009). This study empirically substantiates the fusion-self-sacrifice linkage through two avenues: 1) Verification of identity fusion prevalence (Study 1 revealed 58.2% Ultras fans exhibited high fusion characteristics); 2) Behavioral correlation analysis of sacrificial acts. For instance, away-match “cost-blind support” (causal opacity) and “synchronized cheering” (synchrony) significantly predicted identity fusion (Studies 3–4). These behaviors resist adequate explanation through social identity’s deindividuation logic, yet align perfectly with Swann et al.‘s core proposition (Swann et al. 2024) - individuals internalizing group objectives as existential imperatives. This dovetails with our scale item “symbiosis with the team,” indicating fused fans perceive team survival as self-preservation. Ultras individuals incorporate team identity not merely as social affiliation but as core self-concept, consequently demonstrating willingness for self-sacrifice in defending collective interests (Chinchilla et al. 2022). Further analysis reveals identity fusion achieves personal-group synthesis through ritual practices (Tifo creation, combat-style cheering attire) without sacrificing individuality. Study 2’s strong correlation between “combat-attire cheering” and identity fusion (r = 0.713) demonstrates fans proactively reconstruct group ties via symbolic acts, challenging traditional deindividuation paradigms while supporting identity fusion’s “personal-collective coactivation” thesis (Swann Jr et al. 2009). The contextual variance of emotional intensity (e.g., significant fusion prediction in critical away matches, p = 0.048) exposes social identity theory’s explanatory gap: Group belongingness alone fails to clarify why specific contexts (AFC Champions League qualifiers) elicit heightened sacrificial willingness. Identity fusion’s “meaning integration” mechanism resolves this by anchoring emotions to collective goals (e.g., qualification significance), offering a nuanced explanatory pathway (Besta et al. 2016; Kossakowski and Besta 2018). Thus, identity fusion theory transcends social identity’s static framework through its “meaning-driven dynamic integration” mechanism, establishing a new paradigm for extreme pro-group behavior research. This investigation substantiates Swann et al.‘s “fusion = existential significance” hypothesis (Buhrmester et al. 2012) - fused Ultras fans equate group survival with personal existential continuity.

Research implications

Theoretical significance: rituals as “meaning amplifiers” for fusion

This study advances collective ritual theory by differentiating functional mechanisms of ritual elements. Primarily, causal opacity (e.g., non-utilitarian cheering) facilitates “cultural internalization,” enabling fans to perceive group norms as self-expressions rather than externally imposed regulations. Second, synchrony (e.g., coordinated cheering) intensifies belongingness through “emotional resonance,” aligning with Durkheim’s collective effervescence theory (Emile Durkheim 2016). We further propose the “contextualized emotional resonance hypothesis”: ritual efficacy requires embedding within specific sociocultural contexts (home stadiums or crucial matches) to activate fusion. For instance, Study 4’s Qingdao away matches demonstrated significant emotion-fusion prediction (p = 0.043), where emotional intensity combined with the collective significance of “AFC Champions League qualification pursuit” constituted what Whitehouse terms “shared transformative experiences” (Peitz et al. 2023). This discovery operationalizes identity fusion’s “shared experience pathway” into a “meaning-driven emotional integration model,” establishing a novel framework for understanding ritual element interactions.

Practical significance: balancing cohesion and risk management

Practically, this research offers dual insights for fan culture governance. Clubs may enhance identity fusion through high-synchrony, symbolically potent rituals (pre-match collective chants, team-specific anthems), thereby boosting fan loyalty and commercial value. Conversely, vigilance against fusion-exacerbated behavioral risks is crucial. Causal opacity behaviors (violent cheering) might gain legitimacy through goal internalization. Administrators should therefore steer ritual practices toward benign expressions (charitable away trips) while implementing educational interventions to erode cultural endorsement of violent rituals. Furthermore, policymakers should monitor fusion levels’ impact on collective actions in high-stakes contexts (crucial matches), optimizing security protocols to prevent group polarization.

Research questions and results

Regarding identity fusion’s existence, Study 1’s high fusion prevalence (58.2%) directly addresses the foundational inquiry, confirming Swann’s “personal-group boundary dissolution” within Ultras communities (Swann Jr et al. 2012). Concerning influencing factors, the universal effects of causal opacity and synchrony validate our hypothesis that rituals shape fusion through norm internalization and affective alignment, while emotional intensity’s contextual variations unveil a “meaning mediation” mechanism that refines Whitehouse’s “high-arousal promotes fusion” hypothesis (Whitehouse 2018). The home-away discrepancy analysis reveals contextual significance as the critical moderator in emotion-fusion linkages, evidenced by differential emotional efficacy between home stadiums and crucial away matches. These findings not only resolve the proposed research questions but also construct a “ritual-meaning-fusion-sacrifice” theoretical model through multidimensional evidentiary linkages, establishing an operational analytical framework for subsequent investigations.

Limitations and future studies

Although the findings support our hypotheses, there are some shortcomings in this study: (1) In this study, we adopted the framework of ritual components proposed by Whitehouse and colleagues (Whitehouse 2014; Whitehouse and François 2017; Whitehouse and Lanman 2014), but it is important to note that the framework may have some limitations in terms of comprehensiveness. Therefore, the ritual components defined by Whitehouse et al. need to be carefully considered and appropriately expanded and deepened on this basis. At the same time, future research should test each of the constituent elements of ritual individually in order to provide more precise and reliable measurements of the different components of ritual. Specifically, the study could be based on the theoretical framework proposed by Whitehouse and colleagues, while combining the research of other scholars, such as the interactive ritual chain theory (Collins 2004a), to design the empirical study. (2) We collected data through questionnaires, a method that provided us with valuable information but also had potential problems such as subjectivity. Future research can further validate and expand our findings by using a variety of data collection methods, such as in-depth interviews and observational studies. (3) In China, supporter organizations are widespread and numerous, but there are relatively few extreme supporter organizations, most of which operate in small groups. In this study, 206 supporters of the Red Blades supporter club were selected as the research subjects, and the limitation of the sample size may have an impact on the generalizability and representativeness of the findings. In order to improve the breadth and applicability of the study, future research could expand the sample scope and conduct an in-depth analysis of extreme supporter organizations in different geographical regions to enhance the general applicability of the findings. (4) It is acknowledged that the use of two-item measures for key variables in Study 2–4 may raise concerns regarding measurement validity. However, this design choice prioritizes conciseness and efficiency, particularly in large-scale surveys where brief scales reduce respondent burden and enhance completion rates. These items were rigorously selected based on theoretical frameworks and literature review (Gómez et al. 2023; Reese and Whitehouse 2021) to effectively capture the core characteristics of the constructs. The survey administration to Ultras fans presented unique challenges given resource constraints and time sensitivity. Characterized by fierce loyalty, solidarity, and combative spirit (Doidge and Lieser 2020b), this group exhibits inherent distrust toward non-core fans and outsiders (Gholami and Shadmanfaat 2024), resulting in low receptiveness to face-to-face interviews. Furthermore, complex or ambiguous questionnaire content risks compromising both completion rates and data reliability due to comprehension difficulties. Consequently, questionnaire design for Ultras fans necessitates careful adaptation to group characteristics through simple language and unambiguous items to ensure reliability and validity. While this simplification may limit comprehensive capture of construct complexity, the abbreviated scale remains methodologically justified under these circumstances. To address potential limitations arising from questionnaire simplification, future studies could employ additional items or multiple measurement tools to more comprehensively assess the key variables, thereby enhancing measurement reliability and validity. Additionally, researchers may supplement and validate scale measurements through alternative methods, such as establishing long-term relationships with Ultras fans to conduct in-depth interviews, or identifying cooperative members within the group to introduce researchers and mitigate exclusion tendencies, ensuring comprehensive understanding and accurate measurement of the core constructs. (5) Study 4’s focus on a specific away-match fan cohort necessitated methodological constraints, with the modest sample size (n = 69) reflecting two inherent barriers: (a) Event rarity - the match determined the club’s AFC Champions League 2 qualification; (b) Ethical compliance - non-intrusive data collection protocols (e.g., voluntary post-match surveys administered on return transportation) prioritized fan privacy and behavioral authenticity, yielding 69 valid responses. While the sample size was contextually constrained, the study’s ecological validity - capturing authentic collective cheering dynamics and group polarization under competitive stress - surpasses laboratory simulations or retrospective surveys methodologically. We recommend future research employ cross-club longitudinal tracking (e.g., monitoring fan cohorts across 3–5 seasons) or mixed-methods weighting approaches (e.g., augmenting small-scale quantitative data with thick ethnographic case studies) to reconcile the depth-breadth dilemma. (6) Ultras culture originated in 1960s Italy before proliferating across Europe, South America, and Asia. Its defining characteristics encompass: intense identity fusion, unwavering support and loyalty, distinctive ritual practices, and resistance against modern football commercialization (Doidge et al. 2020). While national variations exist in Ultras groups’ characteristics, they universally share the global hallmark of “extreme loyalty and identity fusion” (Doidge et al. 2020). This investigation focuses on Chinese Ultras fans’ behavioral and psychological mechanisms. Although findings demonstrate contextual generalizability within China, limitations emerge from significant regional cultural divergences in Ultras practices (Hodges 2016). For instance, European Ultras predominantly follow the Italian model, whereas South American Ultras exhibit stronger political and social activism influences (Doidge and Lieser 2020a). These earlier-established, more mature cultural manifestations differ from Chinese Ultras’ ritual practices. Cultural specificities necessitate consideration when extrapolating findings. European Ultras emphasize organizational sophistication and political engagement (Kennedy 2013; Kossakowski 2023), while Japanese groups attempting European emulation show distinct divergences in social rituals and violence propensity (Doidge and Lieser 2013). Chinese Ultras culture synthesizes global elements with indigenous innovations, including unique chanting repertoires and organizational structures (Bandyopadhyay 2024). Consequently, while similar psychological mechanisms might exist cross-culturally, findings primarily apply to Chinese Ultras supporters, with behavioral manifestations and influencing factors potentially differing regionally. Future research should systematically examine Ultras groups’ cultural-psychological variations to holistically understand this transnational phenomenon. (7) This study comparatively analyzes fan rituals and religious practices to elucidate their phenomenological parallels. The stadium functions as a “sanctum” where fans perform “pilgrimages” (Tomlinson and Young 2006), demonstrating striking similarities in sacred spatial conceptualization. Shared elements include collective rituals (chanting anthems, scarf-raising, pre-match prayers) (Bromberger 2007; Sullivan 2014), emotional resonance (jumping, flag-waving, synchronized clapping) (Pizarro et al. 2022; Richards 2014; Thonhauser and Wetzels 2020), and group identification mechanisms (Gumbrecht 2021; Stevenson and Alaug 2000; Tomlinson and Young 2006). However, this analogy risks overextension. While most supporters perceive their behaviors (collective singing, jumping, applause) as “sacred rituals” akin to religious observance, alternative interpretations exist where actions signify communal expressions (Morabito 2024; Tokke 2013). This pluralism crucially reflects fandom’s cultural complexity. Sociologists frequently conceptualize football as secularized religion, providing analogous identity formation, ritual experiences, and communal belonging (Riis and Woodhead 2010; Storey 2021). For these adherents, match attendance transcends communal participation, constituting ritualized connectivity - a mechanism for forging interpersonal bonds through shared experientiality (Eastman and Riggs 1994; Knijnik 2018). Consequently, scholarly discourse must accommodate multivalent interpretations. Fan behaviors exist along a continuum from purely communal to explicitly ritualistic, frequently embodying both dimensions (Bromberger 1995; Kossakowski 2017). This interpretative diversity constitutes fandom’s essential characteristic, necessitating rigorous scholarly consideration. Future research should systematically investigate supporters’ self-conceptualizations to holistically decode football culture’s ontological essence. Such investigations would advance comprehension of behavioral pluripotency in fan cultures and their cross-cultural manifestations.

The role of collective rituals offers new perspectives for future research, especially in understanding identity fusion and its impact on individual behavior. According to Dugas et al. (2016), identity fusion is considered a precursor to radicalization (Dugas et al. 2016), but not all phenomena associated with identity fusion point to negative outcomes. Whitehouse’s 2013 study noted that in the context of supporters, identity fusion may promote pro-sociality among group members (Whitehouse et al. 2013). Therefore, future research should delve into how identity fusion in groups such as supporters affects individuals’ behavior toward out-group members, which will not only help us understand the psychological mechanisms of extreme prosocial behavior but may also guide us on how to channel pro-group sentiments of fused individuals. Specifically, future research could explore whether pro-sociality among supporters is a core value of teams and organizations and whether this pro-sociality may extend to out-group members. In this way, we can more fully understand how identity fusion shapes individuals’ attitudes and behaviors toward internal and external groups. In addition, the Shared Experiences Pathway to Fusion can further reveal whether shared experiences enhance individuals’ hostility toward external groups or promote self-sacrificial and charitable behaviors. These are important questions that deserve to be explored in depth in future research. Through these studies, we will be able to gain a deeper understanding of the psychological mechanisms of identity fusion and its effects at the social level.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this study provides insight into the effects of collective rituals on the psychological mechanisms of identity fusion, thereby expanding our scientific understanding of group cohesion. The findings reveal that key elements of rituals, such as causal opacity, intensity of emotional responses, and synchronization, all significantly predicted the degree of identity fusion among supporters. These findings not only confirm that athletic competition is a powerful tool for fostering collective identity and promoting identity fusion but also provide a theoretical basis for exploring the application of identity fusion in other social contexts. The findings of this study have far-reaching implications for understanding the impact of collective rituals at the societal level, particularly in terms of reinforcing collective identity, enhancing social cohesion, stimulating altruistic behaviors, and facilitating collective action. In addition, the findings provide new perspectives and strategies on how collective rituals can be utilized to promote more effective cooperation and curb supporter violence. Through an in-depth analysis of the components of collective rituals and their effects on individual behaviors, this study provides new theoretical insights into the field of sports social psychology and offers a scientific basis for practical social interventions.