Introduction

Covid-19, which was defined as a pandemic by the World Health Organization (2020), arrived in Israel in early March 2020. As part of Israel’s efforts to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic, a “state of war” has been declared. Social isolation, a key pillar of emergency regulations, included very restricted freedom of movement and shutdowns of schools, entertainment venues, and workplaces (Bedford et al. 2020). Public and family gatherings were also prohibited. In fact, every citizen in Israel was asked to maintain social isolation to avoid contamination. Lack of early and regulated knowledge about the virus, social isolation, and the fact that many people lost their jobs or had to adjust to a new reality of working from home in a stressful and uncertain reality made many people feel stressed (Özdin and Bayrak-Özdin, 2020). Moreover, it was found that the uncertainty even caused COVID-19 phobia, due to the great uncertainty regarding the epidemic and its results, which in turn may of course increase the level of anxiety (Karakose, et al. 2021).

Single mothers by choice (SMBC) lack the support of a partner; given the uniqueness of this family unit, the present study examined connections between state anxiety (SA) and social support, work–family conflict (WFC), and level of happiness among SMBC during Israel’s first lockdown. The research and theoretical literature have dealt extensively with SA and its various effects on diverse aspects of an individual’s life. These studies found an association between SA and WFC (Field, 2002; Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023), happiness (Silva and Figueiredo-Braga, 2018), and social support (Hynan et al. 2015). The assumptions underlying this study is based on a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023) that compared married mothers and SMBC. This study indicates that there is a negative relationship between social support and SA among mothers. Differences were also found between the two groups so that SMBCs feel more SA. Regarding the relationship of SA and happiness Chinnes, (2019) points out that the level of happiness at the national level is reflected at the private level. Chinnes, (2019) explains that state anxiety, characterized by worry and negative thoughts, is contrary to the positive perceptions associated with happiness. Furthermore, bodily symptoms of anxiety may reduce feelings of well-being, while avoidance behavior stemming from anxiety can limit opportunities for growth and happiness. Moreover, Chinnes notes that anxiety can negatively affect interpersonal relationships, which are a crucial component of happiness. Finally, Hertz et al. (2020) suggested that that SMBC in the United States during the Covid-19 pandemic, reported substantial stress related to WFC, primarily due to competition for their attention by the diverse demands of home and work.

Nkire and his colleagues (Nkire et al. 2021) examined how background variables (age, occupation, nationality, residence, education, marital status, number of children, and economic status) explain SA among people who self-isolated during the Covid-19 pandemic. They found that Guarantees about jobs and income during periods of self-isolation and self-quarantine may help to reduce anxieties about finances and loss of earnings. Also, Choi et al. (2020) examined the psychological impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on students in China, and referred to variables such as age, gender, place of residence (rural/urban), family income, and source of income. They found, for example, that stable family income and living in a city were protective factors against anxiety. Based on key studies in the field, it is evident that demographic variables play significant roles in their impact on state anxiety. The classic study by Spielberger et al. (1983) laid the foundation for understanding gender differences in anxiety, with women tending to report higher levels of state anxiety compared to men. Regarding age, Brenes et al. (2008) found that adults over 80 reported lower levels of anxiety compared to younger age groups, suggesting a complex influence of age on the experience of anxiety. Education was also found to be an influential factor, with Bjelland et al. (2008) demonstrating an inverse relationship between education level and anxiety levels, where higher education was associated with lower anxiety levels. Finally, the study by Reiss et al. (2019) shed light on the relationship between socioeconomic status and anxiety, finding that individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds tended to experience higher levels of anxiety. Other research revealed a significant relationship between anxiety score and family size, education level, occupation, household income status (Sohrabivafa et al. 2023).

Therefore, these correlations may also be found among SMBC. Hence, SMBC who differ in background variables would be expected to differ in anxiety levels. However, to the best of our knowledge, attempts to examine interactions among these variables in one study are absent from the research and theoretical literature. In addition, single mothers by choice (SMBC) Footnote 1lack the support of a partner; given the uniqueness of this family unit, The present study examined connections between state anxiety (SA) and social support, work–family conflict (WFC), and level of happiness among SMBC during Israel’s first lockdown. Because this study focused on a unique condition (Covid-19) and population (SMBC), its provided new knowledge in three areas: (a) about SMBC, particularly during crisis situations; (b) social support, including receipt of assistance, using measures developed for this present study; and (c) counseling, accompaniment, and guidance of welfare mechanisms.

Theoretical background

Single mothers by choice

Many social changes concerning family structure have occurred in recent decades. The research literature also has adjusted to examine different types of families and not only the traditional family model (Burnes and Scott, 1994; Hertz and Ferguson, 1997).

There are many explanations for these changes in family models. Some involve sociocultural changes (urbanization processes, women’s integration into work, and women’s education level; Linn, 1991; Mattes, 1997; Merritt and Steiner, 1984), and others focus on technological explanations such as fertilization technologies (insemination, in vitro fertilization, etc.; Mi-Ami, 2005; Oring, 2007). These changes created an opportunity for individuals to control the reproductive process, adjust it according to their individual needs and thus, create alternative family structures. One unique model in this context is unmarried mothers, whom researchers call SMBC (Albeck and Bar, 1993; Bock, 2000; Hertz and Ferguson, 1997; Ludtke, 1997; Mannis, 1999; Miller, 1987; Pakizegi, 1990; Renvoize, 1985), referring to women who decide to raise children outside of marriage or a permanent marital structure (Mattes, 1997; Pakizegi, 1990), and became pregnant through sperm donation from an anonymous donor.

One main characteristic of these women is that most are older, in their late 30 s, and feel ready to have a child and thus, realize their motherhood. Their lack of a relationship does not prevent them from becoming mothers, and they are not willing to give up motherhood (Anderson and Stewart, 1995; Bock, 2000; Segal-Engelchin and Wozner, 2005). The family pattern of SMBC challenges the traditional family structure and therefore, it is an intriguing research domain (Oring, 2007) in general and during unique periods such as the Covid-19 pandemic.

About 150,000 SMBC-led families live in Israel (Rashi Foundation, n.d.). This population grows every year, including by 7,015 SMBC in 2016, according to the Central Bureau of Statistics (as cited in Rashi Foundation, n.d.).

The research literature shows that SMBC report mixed feelings about parenting. For example, these women reported feelings of satisfaction, value, and meaning from their parenting (Chasson, 2017; Lieblich, 2003); the benefit of having children after establishing themselves financially, academically, professionally, and emotionally (Bock, 2000); and their independence in making decisions about raising their children (Anderson and Stewart, 1995). At the same time, because raising children and the responsibility for their livelihood rests solely on their shoulders, these women experience a sense of responsibility and burden (Linn, 1991) and lack a partner with whom they can share moments of happiness, joy, fear, and worry (Hertz and Ferguson, 1997). Related to the absence of a spouse, SMBC fill the gap by turning to social support networks such as family, friends, groups, and communities (Hertz et al. 2020; Segal-Engelchin and Wozner, 2005).

Social support

In recent years, the concept of social support has been the focus of research dealing with anxiety and individual health and well-being (French et al. 2018). Due to the multiplicity of studies and disciplines in this field, this concept has been defined in different ways regarding behaviors or perceptions and sources of support (organization, family, friends, etc.; Ford et al. 2007).

Social support refers to the exchange of resources between two or more people that they perceive as a way to increase the recipient’s well-being and quality of life (Hobfoll, 2002). This support is provided by those in the immediate environment such as family, friends, coworkers, and significant others and can be instrumental (e.g., financial, childcare, and housework support), informative, and emotional (Gleason and Iida, 2015; House and Kahn, 1985). Recent studies have also added social networks as social support sources and indicated how they contribute to reducing SA (Hynan et al. 2015). This study did not focus on social networks but considered them another platform for social support for women (Hynan et al. 2015). Social support has three dimensions: (a) relationships between an individual and significant others in their surrounding environment; (b) perceived social support, or how the individual cognitively assesses their relationships with others; and (c) practical social support regarding how people act to help others. Perceived social support refers to feeling loved, valued, and included in an interpersonal social network featuring relationships and commitment (Chasson, 2017; Cobb, 1976). Social support systems involve interpersonal interactions featuring emotional response, appreciation, sharing of information, and instrumental support. In times of stress, social support may be a significant coping resource (Caplan, 1974; Lieberman et al. 2005; Wilcox and Vernberg, 1985). For example, studies indicated that social support is negatively associated with stress and mental distress, such that more social support is related to lower levels of stress (Hung and Chung, 2001; Luo, 2006). Social support protects against stress, anxiety, and depression. For example, studies have shown that during and after pregnancy, women who receive social support have less anxiety and depression. Shamir and Shamir Balderman (2023), found in previous research which compared between married mothers and SMBC, that the broader the social support, the lower the SA level and negative and significant correlations between types of support (family, friends, and significant others) and the level of SA. Finally, social support was found to be associated with better recovery from disease and longer life expectancy (Duman and Kocak, 2013; Kim et al. 2014; Orr, 2004).

Research on SMBC during Covid-19 has focused on several topics. Scholars found that women bore the burden of caring for children as schools and daycare centers closed during the crisis (Alon et al. 2020). SMBC are among the most affected populations because they often have few childcare options. Difficulty is imposed by social isolation orders and the limited possibility of maintaining a job during the crisis. According to research, supporting women and their children during the crisis is an important political challenge. Further, a study in South Korea relating to unmarried women showed that they struggled to provide childcare. However, accurate data on SMBC were not available (Choi et al. 2020). During the pandemic, the mental health of SMBC worsened due to the burden of childcare and their financial situation. Choi et al. (2020) based their position paper on the findings of a study among 1247 SMBC, which showed that 60% reported high levels of stress and depression. Increased care obligations due to reduced employment can be particularly difficult for SMBC, who are at increased risk of poverty (Blaskó et al. 2020). According to Choi et al. (2020), because of the absence of an support for authorities to interact with SMBC (e.g., by phone, email, or text message), mothers have difficulty contacting others for help during crises like a pandemic.

Researchers have examined social support among SMBC in Israel, mainly regarding the feelings of SMBC in social settings (Oring, 2007), self-image (Bock, 2000), how social support differs between SMBC and married mothers (Avrech-Bar et al. 2011), quality of life (Segal-Engelchin and Wozner, 2005), and parenting (Chasson, 2017). These Various studies have shed light on diverse aspects of the lives of Single Mothers by Choice (SMBC). Oring (2007) investigated the feelings of SMBC in social settings, finding that they often experience ambivalence - pride in their choice on one hand, and fear of social stigma on the other. Bock (2000) focused on the self-image of SMBC, revealing that despite challenges, many develop a sense of empowerment and strong self-confidence. Avrech-Bar et al. (2011) compared social support between SMBC and married mothers, discovering that SMBC tend to rely more on non-familial support networks. Segal-Engelchin and Wozner (2005) examined the quality of life of SMBC, highlighting the importance of social support and financial resources in their life quality. Finally, Chasson (2017) researched parenting among SMBC, finding that they develop unique strategies to cope with the challenges of single parenting. All these studies emphasize the complexity of the SMBC experience and the crucial role of social support in dealing with the unique challenges they face. Researchers explain these connections through theories of social capital and support networks, emphasizing how social resources can compensate for the lack of partner support and aid in coping with psychological and social pressures.

As far as we know, the research and theoretical knowledge lacks any reference to these two topics in general or their combination. That is, researchers have not considered the need for social support among SMBC during periods of crisis in general and the Covid-19 pandemic. Moreover, the theoretical and research literature has not addressed how this assistance may influence their SA. This study addressed these gaps in theory and research.

State anxiety

Anxiety refers to an unpleasant emotional state that arises in situations of internal threat and includes physiological, cognitive, and emotional aspects (Blanchard et al. 2011; Monat et al. 1972). Anxiety is an irrational fear related to both conscious and unconscious domains (Immanuel, 2003). The research literature distinguishes between types of anxiety. For example, Spielberger and Vagg (1995) distinguished between SA and trait anxiety. According to this model, SA is an emotional state of fear and temporary stress that accompanies a sense of stress, nervousness, anxiety, and worry and arouses the autonomic nervous system. In contrast, trait anxiety is defined as a relatively permanent characteristic because it remains over time and relates to various situations (Spielberger et al. 1983).

The research literature is rich in studies regarding SA, typically focusing on parents in crisis situations related to their children such as surgeries (Scrimin et al. 2009; Shachanovich-Meiri, 2008), pregnancy (Weiler, 1999), cancer (Bhattacharjee and Banerjee, 2016), and mental disability (Jacob-Shlomo, 2019). Other studies have examined how background variables (age, occupation, nationality, residence, education, marital status, number of children, and economic status) explain SA in patients with a serious illness (defined as a crisis condition; Gerogianni et al. 2018) or among people who self-isolated during the Covid-19 pandemic (Nkire et al. 2021). Hence, SMBC who differ in background variables would be expected to differ in anxiety levels. Finally, divorced women reported more SA than women living separate from their husbands, according to an Israeli study (Dreman et al. 1990).

Few studies have been conducted with only mothers in the context of crisis periods. For example, Dreman et al. (1990) found that divorced women experienced higher levels of SA compared to women during divorce proceedings. Other studies have found a correlation between SA and emotional health during (Ron et al. 2000) or after (Dennis et al. 2013) pregnancy. Although many studies have examined the association between social support and SA during Covid-19, they have focused primarily on medical staff (Labrague, 2021), students (Labrague et al. 2021), hospitalized patients (Michael and Roska, 2021)‏, or pregnant women (Khoury et al. 2021). However, links between SA and background variables amid socioeconomic upheaval, which characterizes the Covid-19 crisis among single mothers in the world and Israel, has not been examined. The current study explored this issue.

Happiness

In the last 30 years, a new field of research has developed known as “happiness research,” leading to a wealth of definitions (Ahuvia et al. 2015; Gilbert, 2006; Myers and Diener, 1995; Ryff and Singer, 2008; Shamir Balderman et al. 2023; Tay et al. 2015). According to Ben-Shahar (2007), who based his definition on Seligman (2002), happiness is a mixture of pleasure (emotion) and meaning (cognition). Happiness research is part of a field called subjective well-being and positive psychology research, in which Diener (1984) suggested that all definitions relating to happiness can be collected into three general definitions: (a) based on external criteria, such as feelings that result from actions performed in accordance with moral norms; (b) as a form of satisfaction with life (Joshanloo et al. 2016), which is popular among social science researchers; and (c) as a feeling of positivity. The concept of subjective well-being has often been used interchangeably with happiness (Deci and Ryan, 2008). This study adopted a definition that considered three domains: cognitive, emotional, and temporal (Seligman, 2002). In other words, happiness refers to a positive emotion, is focused on the present moment, may persist over time, and is typically viewed in opposition to anxiety (Eysenck, 1994).

The main findings of happiness studies relate to several groups of variables: personality-related variables (Eysenck, 1994) and environmental variables (demographic or sociological; Diener and Suh, 1997; Hills and Argyle, 2002; Seligman, 2002; Tay et al. 2015). Demographic variables such as education, social status, occupation, and level of income have been related to happiness. A sufficient income level covers the basic needs of subsistence in society: housing, food, and minimal security. Above this level, an increase in income is not related to a person’s happiness. An increase in the standard of living contributes only slightly to an increase in happiness (Argyle, 2001; Riemor, 2002; Seligman, 2002). Hence, it can be assumed that in crisis situations, income level, which is perceived as a basic need, can explain SA. Other studies have examined the relationship of work-related variables such as quality of life, overall and job-related satisfaction, and WFC with happiness (Carpentier et al. 2011; Shamir-Balderman, 2018; Simsek et al. 2011).

Family structure can also have an impact, albeit minor, on happiness. For example, in Demo and Acock’s (1996) study, three domains of well-being among mothers (self-esteem, happiness, and depression) differed significantly by family structure (married, remarried, divorced, or single). The highest well-being occurred among mothers in their first marriage, followed by remarried mothers, then divorced and single mothers. Similarly, a U.S.-based study found that single mothers are less happy than single women who are not mothers. Both groups tended to report being “not so happy” (Ifcher and Zarghamee, 2014). Finally, the relationship of SA and happiness has been studied extensively (see Chinnes, 2019), with findings indicating that nations with lower average happiness have higher levels of SA. This relationship would be expected among individuals. This relationship was also tested at the individual level. Shamir and Shamir Balderman (2023), found in previous research among married mothers and SMBC a significant negative correlation between happiness and SA. That is, the higher the level of happiness, the lower the level of SA.

Work–Family conflict

Family and work are important areas of an individual’s life, and in recent years, there has been an increase in studies dealing with their affinity (Basile and Beauregard, 2016; Berkowsky, 2013; Burke and Greenglass, 1987; Diener and Suh, 1997; Pangil and Isa, 2015; Wang et al. 2017).

The last decades of the 20th century were characterized by far-reaching changes in the economic and family behavior of the labor force and women. In all industrialized countries since the 1970s, women have steadily increased their participation in the labor market. Beyond the numerical increase, the composition of the female population in the labor force has changed in terms of the marital status of working women, their age, and their occupations (Cohen and Bianchi, 1999; Katzenstein and Shechtman, 2003; Stier, 2005). Many of them are mothers caring for children (Crompton, 1997). The relationship between age, educational level, organizational rank, and state anxiety is complex and multifaceted. Kvaal et al. (2005) found that older age is associated with lower levels of state anxiety, though this relationship is mediated by factors such as health status. In terms of education, Burton et al. (2013) showed that higher educational levels are linked to lower state anxiety, possibly due to better coping strategies. Regarding organizational rank, Sager et al. (2000) found that employees in higher managerial positions experience less state anxiety compared to those in lower ranks, perhaps due to a greater sense of control. However, Wetherell et al. (2001) emphasized that the relationship between age and state anxiety may vary according to specific situations, highlighting the importance of examining the specific context.

The literature dealing with the integration of women and work often discusses the issue of the separation of spheres between family and work and conflicts that arise due to their integration. The separation of family and work spheres has crystallized since the Industrial Revolution (Moore and Guy, 2006; Stier, 2005). Family and work were perceived as two separate and even competing spheres because the activity in each requires involvement (physical or emotional) sometimes at the expense of each other, creating WFC (Stier, 2005).

WFC has been defined as conflict between roles or spheres, with the responsibilities of each standing in conflict with the other (Burke and Greenglass, 1987; Cooke and Rousseau, 1984; Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985). The research literature offers three forms of WFC: stress-based, behavior-based, and time-based conflict. Stress-based conflict is characterized by dissatisfaction, tension, anxiety, and fatigue that occur when one domain is viewed as more demanding and makes functioning in the other domain a challenge. The second form of conflict is related to behavioral factors and occurs when the individual feels difficulty combining the two spheres. The latter form is created when the individual is physically absent from one sphere or mentally engaged in another sphere. That is, devoting time or attention to one area leaves the other area unsatisfied (Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985).

This conflict is defined as bidirectional because family expectations may interfere with expectations from the family sphere (family-to-work conflict) and vice versa (work-to-family conflict; Frone et al. 1992; Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985).

Research on WFC has typically focused on married couples (e.g., Ajala, 2017; Namayandeh et al. 2011; Sultana, 2012), men and women, sometimes separately (Karakose et al. 2021) and sometimes as a dual study (Waismel-Manor et al. 2021) or SMBC (e.g., Ahmad and Ngah, 2011; Wallis and Price, 2003; Westrupp et al. 2016) in general. In other words, studies among SMBC or single mothers have mostly focused on the correlations between WFC and feelings of stress in routine situations (Westrupp et al. 2016). These various studies point to the complex effects of work-family conflict on single mothers. Ahmad and Ngah (2011) demonstrated that this conflict negatively impacts job satisfaction, while Wallis and Price (2003) found that it affects central life interests. Furthermore, Westrupp et al. (2016) identified a reciprocal relationship between work-family conflict and psychological distress. This body of findings raises the possibility that work-family conflict may serve as a significant stressor that could increase state anxiety, especially among single mothers dealing with multiple demands and ongoing pressures. However, it is important to note that existing research has not directly examined the link to state anxiety, and therefore further study is needed to empirically establish this connection and understand its full implications for this population. From the review of the presented studies, it emerges that they did not focus specifically on SMBC Kvaal, but rather examined more broadly the challenges of single mothers or working mothers. Ahmad and Ngah (2011) and Wallis and Price (2003) studied working single mothers, while Westrupp et al. (2016) examined working mothers in general. While these studies provide important insights into the relationship between work-family conflict, job satisfaction, and psychological distress, they do not directly address the unique experiences of SMBC. Moreover, while the studies discuss psychological distress, they do not focus specifically on state anxiety. This highlights the need for further research to examine the unique experiences of SMBC and the relationship between work-family conflict and state anxiety in this population.

However, a recent study in the United States during the Covid-19 pandemic found that single mothers reported substantial stress related to WFC, primarily due to competition for their attention by the diverse demands of home and work. Unclear divisions between work and home had negatively effects on their productivity and they reported feeling anxious about their job security (Hertz et al. 2020). Previous research among married mothers and SMBC indicate a positive and significant relationship occurred between WFC and SA (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023).

Although SMBC issues have received extensive research among researchers around the world, empirical research in Israel regarding this unique group is relatively scant. In addition, existing research on this group examined social support and WFC but did not combine them in one coherent study in this sensitive and unique period, nor did it examine how these factors affect SA. Hence, the main research question was: What is the relationship, if any, among happiness, WFC, among social support, and SA?

Research hypotheses

  1. 1.

    Background variables (age, income, years of education, organizational sector, and organizational rank) have negative associations with SA. As age, education level, income level, and organizational rank and increase the levels of SA will decrease. Additionally, it is hypothesized that SMBC employed in the public sector will report lower levels of SA compared to SMBC working in the private sector.

  2. 2.

    Happiness among SMBC is negatively related to SA. Hence, higher levels of happiness are related to lower levels of SA.

  3. 3.

    WFC among SMBC is positively related to SA. Hence, the higher the level of WFC, the higher the level of SA.

  4. 4.

    Types of social support (i.e., family, friend, or significant other) is negatively related to SA. Hence, lower social support is associated with higher SA.

Method

Sample

Snowball sampling was used because it can be applied as a more formal methodology for making inferences about a population, such as remote workers, that has been difficult to enumerate through descending methods (Atkinson and Flint, 2001; Emerson, 2015). Snowball sampling is a common research approach that involves referrals and social networks. Initial contacts, known as seeds, who are eligible for the study are recruited and then they refer other mothers (Parker et al. 2019, P. 11).

The sample consisted of 386 SMBC from Israel ranging in age from 30 to 63 (M = 45, SD = 4.93); 266 mothers (69%) had one child, 109 (28%) had two children, and 11 (3%) mothers had three children; and 148 (39%) mothers had children younger than 11 years old. Most mothers had a bachelor’s degree (37%) or a master’s degree or higher (44%; Table 1).

Table 1 Demographic characteristics (N = 386).

About half (48%) of the participants worked in private organizations, about one third (36%) worked in the public sector (e.g., government agencies), and 10% had independent employment. In those organizations, 57% of mothers held a junior position and 10% of them were in senior positions (e.g., management). During the lockdown, 25% of participants were on unpaid leave, 25% worked full-time from home, and 18% worked part-time from home. A third (33%) of the mothers continued to work as usual because they were defined as vital or worked in a small organization that, according to the emergency regulations, could continue its work in person. Regarding income, 33% of mothers reported below average, 55% reported average, and 12% reported well above average wages.

Measurements

State anxiety

SA was assessed by the State-Anxiety Inventory (Spielberger et al. 1983). Cronbach’s α for this measure exceeded 0.93 in a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023). This scale features 12 items assessing SA, both positively and negatively worded (e.g., “I feel calm”; I feel worried”). Participants indicated their agreement with each item using a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree). Positively worded statements were reverse coded. Thus, higher scores indicated higher SA (Cronbach’s α = 0.93).

Perceived social support

This variable was measured using the Scale of Perceived Social Support (Ziment et al. 1988), translated by Statman (1995). Cronbach’s α was 0.93 in a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023). The scale features 12 items divided among three domains of informal social support: friend, family, and significant other. Participants indicated their level of agreement on a 7-point scale (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree; Cronbach’s α = 0.82).

Family support

This measure determined the support these women received from immediate family members. The index features four items (e.g., “My family is really trying to help me”). High scores indicated more support from family. Cronbach’s α was 0.90 in a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023) and 0.89 in the current study.

Friend support

This variable indicated assistance these women received from people in their social surroundings. The measure features four items (e.g., “I have friends I can share problems with”), with higher scores indicative of higher social support. Cronbach’s α was 0.93 in a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023) and 0.92 in the current study.

Significant other support

Support from significant others was assessed by this four-item index (e.g., “There is a person close to me who is there when I need them”). Higher scores indicated more support from significant others support (Cronbach’s α = 0.85). Cronbach’s α was 0.86 in a previous study (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023).

Formal support seeking

In the absence of a research tool for formal and professional support, a tool was developed. The measure features six items outlining support from different sources: family, friends, educational counseling, psychological counseling, social workers, mental health centers, and Facebook groups. Participants indicate whether they agreed with each item on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = did not help at all to 5 = helped very much; 9 = did not seek help). Each item examined different factors related to aid. Therefore, we could not calculate an alpha coefficient. Since each statement in the questionnaire focusing on formal support dealt with a different aspect of assistance, it was not possible to combine them all into a single reliability measure. Therefore, each statement in the questionnaire was analyzed separately.

Happiness

The Oxford Happiness Inventory is often used to assess happiness (Argyle et al. 1995), with a reliability coefficient of 0.92 to 0.82 (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023; Shamir-Balderman, 2018). The measure features 29 items with four response options. This study used the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (Hills and Argyle, 2002), an abbreviated eight-item version with established reliability and validity (e.g., “I am satisfied with the way my life is conducted”). The questionnaire was translated to Hebrew, then translated back to English by two evaluators (Shamir-Balderman, 2018). Participants used a 7-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 7 = strongly agree) to report their level of agreement, such that higher scores indicate higher levels of happiness (Cronbach’s α = 0.82).

Work–Family conflict

This 18-item measure included 14 items developed by Gutek et al. (1991), such as, “At work, I am so busy that I do not have time to deal with personal matters” and “My job requires time that I prefer to spend with my family.” This scale been successfully used by Shamir and Shamir Balderman (2023), with a reliability coefficient of 0.88 Participants responded using a 7-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 7 = strongly agree). A factor analysis indicated two domains: family-to-work conflict and work-to-family conflict (Cinamon and Rich, 2002). The two dimensions were highly correlated, so they were combined into one measure, as in the current study. The four other items were drawn from a questionnaire used to measure positive aspects of WFC (e.g., “My involvement in my family makes me feel happier and it helps me be a better worker”; Carlson et al. 2006). For the last two questions, a scale reversal was performed before calculating the alpha and final index value. Higher scores indicated higher WFC (Cronbach’s α = 0.89).

Demographics

Personal characteristics measured in this study included age, education, employment before and during Covid-19, number of children, income (1 = very below average; 5 = very above average), organizational rank, and sector of work.

Research process

In Similar to previous research, which conduct a comparison between SMBC and married mothers (Shamir and Shamir Balderman, 2023). Data were collected using snowball sampling among SMBC who did not have a spouse and answered a self-report questionnaire online. Mothers known to the researchers were asked to participate in the research and refer their friends who are single mothers. The researchers used WhatsApp and Facebook to share the survey. They contacted managers of Facebook groups dedicated to single mothers and asked to post a recruitment message seeking participants for the study. The message explained the research aims and assured potential participants of their confidentiality. Participants had to answer a mandatory item before they could complete the survey: “I express my informed consent to participate in the study and am aware of my right to leave at any time without explaining.” The Ethics Committee of the Max Stern Academic College of Emek Yezree approved the study protocol (EMEK YVC 2020-87).

Results

The descriptive findings are presented first, outlining the attitudes of SMBC regarding the study variables. SMBC reported a moderate to high happiness (M = 4.60, SD = 1.09) and moderate SA (M = 3.57, SD = 1.35) and WFC (M = 3.25, SD = 1.04; Table 2). Regarding social support, SMBC reported substantial assistance from their close environment: significant others (M = 5.59, SD = 1.40), friends (M = 5.33, SD = 1.48), and family (M = 5.30, SD = 1.58; Table 3). In addition, regarding assistance, 284 mothers (73%) sought help from their family. On the other hand, because the broader circle of support was perceived as more remote, most mothers did not turn to these sources. For example, only 69 women (18%) reported seeking help from Facebook groups and only 40 (10%) relied on call centers or social workers for psychological help. When asked whether seeking support helped them, 253 mothers (65%) reported that contacting family members helped them moderately to very much, whereas 33 mothers (8%) who sought help on Facebook and 16 women (4.5%) who contacted social workers reported that it helped them either moderately or very much.

Table 2 Correlations and descriptive statistics of demographic variables and state anxiety.
Table 3 Correlations and descriptive statistics for research variables.

Personal background characteristics and SA

Pearson tests were used to explore associations between personal characteristics and SA. The analysis revealed a significant and negative correlation between SA and income (r = −0.12, p < 0.05; Table 1). Lower income was associated with higher SA. No correlations emerged between mothers’ age, organizational rank (employee or manager), organizational sector (private or public), or education and SA.

Happiness, WFC social support, and SA

Table 3 presents Pearson coefficients regarding the relationships between social support, happiness, WFC, and SA. A significant negative correlation emerged between happiness and SA (r = −0.58, p < 0.01), such that a higher level of happiness was correlated with less SA. Also, a positive and significant relationship occurred between WFC and SA (r = 0.42, p < 0.01). Higher WFC was related to higher SA; those hypotheses were confirmed. Finally, the analysis indicated a significant negative relationship between social support and SA (r = −0.35, p < 0.01). In the second stage, Pearson tests were conducted based on the support source (friend, family, and significant other) and SA. Negative and significant relationships were found between the types of support and SA (r = −0.31, −0.29, and −0.29, respectively, p < 0.01). In the third stage, a statistical stepwise regression test was performed to predict which social supports best explained SA. The regression findings indicate that friend support explained 10% of the variability in SA, whereas family support explained 13% of the variance. The regression model shows that significant other support made no contribution to predicting SA (Table 4). An analysis of multicollinearity involved exploring tolerance and variance inflation factor (VIF). Tolerance refers to the extent of variability in an independent variable that is not explained by other independent variables, whereas VIF is the inverse of tolerance (Hair et al. 2006). Multicollinearity is indicated by tolerance values less than 1.00 (0.72–0.99) and VIF is greater than 1.00 (1.00–1.38); hence, this study did not have issues with multicollinearity.

Table 4 Hierarchical regression analysis to examine SA by types of support.

Background variables, happiness, WFC, social support and SA

“Stepwise regression involves choosing which predictors to analyze on the basis of statistics. Hierarchical regression involves theoretically based decisions for how predictors are entered into the analysis” (Petrocelli, 2003, p.9). Heanc, in the fourth stage, a statistical stepwise regression analysis examined the degree of prediction of SA by all the background variables, support sources, happiness, and WFC. The regression findings indicate that happiness explained 34% of the diversity of SA. In the next step, WFC added slightly more than 3% to the variance in SA (Table 5). In the steps assessing maternal age and family support, these variables added 1.5% to the explained variance in SA. Hence, the age of the children, number of children, friend support, and significant other support did not contribute to the explained variance in SA.

Table 5 Hierarchical regression analysis to examine SA by the research variables.

Discussion

The aim of the current study was to examine the extent to which personal factors, WFC, perceived social support, and happiness explained SA among SMBC in Israel. Research on changes in family patterns has been gaining momentum in recent years, theoretically, empirically, and practically. One interesting group that has grown significantly is SMBC. Researchers have not considered this group during crises, particularly a global crisis like Covid-19. In addition, research has not examined factors that explain SA in times of crisis. An analysis of study variables and their contribution to SA among SMBC revealed that happiness had the highest contribution to predicting SA. Although WFC and social support were correlated with SA, their contribution was minor. Because happiness is defined as general well-being or satisfaction with life and perceived as opposite to anxiety (Eysenck, 1994), the two main areas of their lives, family and work, may be painted in a more positive light.

Personal background characteristics and SA

An analysis of associations between SA and personal characteristics among SMBC revealed that only income explained SA. That is, the women’s economic situation and level of anxiety had a negative correlation. This finding can be explained by the fact that one characteristic of Covid-19, a health crisis, is a socioeconomic crisis that crossed all classes in Israel. An analysis of women’s characteristics in the present study indicated that most earned an average wage or more. This finding is not surprising and is consistent with previous studies in Israel and around the world that showed that SMBC belong to the middle class or above (Bock, 2000; Sadeh-Weiss and Shachar, 2014). Hence, mothers who reported below-average wages may feel uncertain about their source of livelihood, which in turn, may lead to higher SA because they are the sole breadwinners of the household.

Contrary to the hypothesis, the findings indicate that mothers’ age and years of schooling did not explain their degree of SA. These mothers might have decided to be a single parent at a relatively older age (late 30 s or early 40 s) and after completing their academic studies, compared to women who are in a relationship. This decision might not have been spontaneous but a product of examining various alternatives and understanding that this was the last opportunity to realize their motherhood (Bock, 2000; Segal-Engelchin and Wozner, 2005). Therefore, they come to single parenthood mature, supervised, and having considered the implications and responsibilities of their decision. Results also indicate that organizational level and sector did not explain the degree of SA; presumably, these characteristics are not unique to this group and do not differ in routine situations. That is, these women are most often employed in junior jobs, whether in public or private organizations (Mizrahi-Simon, 2015), so the Covid-19 crisis did not affect their SA.

Happiness, WFC, social support, and SA

In accordance with the hypothesis, which were confirmed, we found a negative correlation between SA and happiness, with higher levels of happiness associated with lower levels of SA. It is worth noting that the current study examined the level of SA and happiness during Covid-19 in Israel and addressed only the present. Based on previous studies (Quoidbach et al. 2009; Seligman, 2002), because these two emotions are dynamic, time dependent, and circumstantial, it is likely that when mothers felt an unpleasant emotion at a specific time (Covid-19), it translated into SA, which explains their level of happiness. Because the current research focused only on SA, it is recommended that future studies examine whether SA and trait anxiety have different associations with happiness.

Also as hypothesized, a positive relationship was found between SA and WFC, such that the higher the WFC, the higher the SA. This finding coincides with studies among married women (see Rosenbaum and Cohen, 1999). This finding indicates that WFC is related to SA for two reasons: One is related to job expectations as mothers (family stress), and the other is related to expectations from the workplace (work stress). One form of WFC manifests in a stress-based conflict characterized by dissatisfaction, stress, and anxiety (Greenhaus and Beutell, 1985). Also, the lack of support from a spouse is might be a stressful factor because SMBC might feel that they do not invest the time required at work, impairing their sense of self-fulfillment (Rosenbaum and Cohen, 1999). It is possible that these mothers, who have the burden of earning a living alone, felt that they had to work to maintain their job. Therefore, they faced high WFC, which likely increased their SA.

Consistent with the hypothesis, the findings show a negative association between general social support and SA. More social support was related to lower SA. Also, negative relationships were found between support source (family, friend, or significant other) and SA. The regression findings regarding which support type predicted a decrease in SA indicate that peer support had the highest contribution to reducing this feeling. A possible explanation is the sense of solidarity and understanding of complex situations that accompanies this group, because they share the same difficulties. That is, even though they have family support, these women often turn to peers or close friends, who are mostly parents of young children who are facing the same difficulties and anxieties.

Contributions and implications

The study has theoretical and applied contributions. Previous studies of SA most often involved mothers coping with the serious illnesses of their loved ones (Scrimin et al. 2009; Shachanovich-Meiri, 2008), pregnancy (Weiler, 1999), and more. This study, as far as we know, is the first to examine SA during a socioeconomic and health crisis that afflicted the entire population and the first study of its kind in Israel. The present study focused on factors that may explain SA perceptions in this unique group. Considering this, the present study makes an important contribution to the knowledge base by shedding light on the correlation between social support and SA in crises.

Methodologically, the present study provides a broad understanding of the sources and types of support available to mothers in Israel. Prior research (Hobfoll, 2002; Hung and Chung, 2001; Luo, 2006) examined social support by focusing on informal sources (family, friend, significant other networks). Using a tool created for this study, we expanded the canvas and examined the issue of receiving help in formal settings (education, social work, welfare agencies, etc.). The findings of the study show that most women do not seek help from formal support agencies and explicated the effectiveness of these services for this group and the degree of mothers’ awareness of these services. From a practical perspective, this research on SA in times of crisis has implications for counseling, support, and care from formal sources such as professionals and social services providers and informal sources such as friends, family members, and significant others. This recommendation is consistent with the Chasson and Taubman-Ben-Ari findings (2021), which showed SMBC could benefit by sharing difficulties with other significant members, as well as among their peer group. Accordingly, First, sources of support, counseling, and treatment may reduce SA, especially in acute moments of crisis and social isolation. For example, welfare authorities in municipalities and local councils, which have information on single women, can set up a database and in times of crisis, contact these mothers to clarify their mental and social situation and assist if necessary. In addition, the present study emphasizes the need for close support circles such as family, friends, and significant others in routine situations and especially times of crisis. Creating these circles of support may increase the sense of belonging and security of these women.

Second, due to the lack of partner support, i.e., a spouse, and formal assistance infrastructure for single mothers, they turn to social support from family, friends, and significant others. This study sheds light on the contribution of each type of support to SA. Further research can deepen this understanding through in-depth interviews and help various professionals refine the help mechanisms provided.

Finally, the current study offers evidence that although these women consciously chose their family structure, their lack of a partner has created a complex situation. Therefore, future research may advance their social status and view these women as a unique group that although growing in recent years, still needs separate and special treatment.

Research limitations, and further research

Along with these contributions, this study had some limitations. First, it relied on self-reported questionnaires collected at one point—during Israel’s first Covid-19 lockdown (March–May 2020). A longitudinal approach that collected data at the second closure (September 2020) could have generated a broader understanding and examined whether SA was static or changed. In addition, results are based on self-report questionnaires, and in-depth interviews could have enhanced our understanding of these women’s SA and their experiences during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Second, this research focused on SMBC in Israel only. Future studies could compare mothers in relationships and explore how SMBC coped elsewhere in the world. Comparing these women in different countries could advance our understanding of SA among mothers with varying relationship statuses. In addition, a significant limitation of the current study is the lack of norm and standardization of means for the population of SMBC. In the absence of specific norms for this unique population, determining low, medium and high levels in variables such as social support, happiness, work-family conflict and SA may not show precisely the complex sociological reality of this group. Therefore, while the present study provides important insights, the development of standard and standardized measures for SMBCs remains a critical area for future sociological investigation. Such progress will not only improve the methodological rigor of research in this area, but will also contribute to a more comprehensive and contextually based understanding of the social phenomena surrounding SMBC.

Third, the study did not account for the exact age of the children, but the mothers were asked a general question about the number of children and whether they were younger than 11. According to Scheffel (2010) “children under the age of 10 need more care and attention of their parents then older ones” (p18). Hence, the assumption was that children older than 11 are relatively independent and less in need of intensive care Since they can manage most of their daily routine (dressing, eating, going to school, doing their homework, etc.) on their own. Hence, in future studies, this question should be refined and researchers should examine differences in the treatment of children according to age (infants, young children, etc.). Finally, the study relied on snowball sampling because SMBC are unique and can be difficult to access. Although this research method is increasingly common (Emerson, 2015; Parker, Scott, and Geddes, 2019) internet recruitment and snowball sampling may harm the representativeness of the sample. Therefore, repeating the study with a probabilistic sampling approach would be worthwhile. However, it is also worth noting that the findings coincide with those of similar studies among SMBC in other contexts that were conducted with representative samples. The sample was relatively large, so despite problems with snowball sampling, these findings are likely to be accurate.

Finally, a notable limitation of this study is the use of a ‘Formal Social Support’ measure that was not previously validated. This limitation potentially impacts the reliability and validity of our findings related to formal social support. For future research, we recommend a thorough validation process for this measure. This should include assessing its construct validity, internal consistency, and test-retest reliability across diverse samples. Additionally, future studies could benefit from comparing this measure with other established social support scales to ensure its convergent validity. Further investigation into the multidimensional aspects of formal social support within various organizational contexts would also enhance our understanding of this construct and its implications for working mothers.