Introduction

Climate change stands as one of the most pressing environmental challenges of the 21st century, with far-reaching effects on natural and biological systems. While debates over the causes and impacts of climate change persist, the upward trend in global temperatures since the 1990s, alongside the increasing frequency of extreme weather events and natural disasters, underscores the urgency of addressing climate change (Ge and Lin 2021). As the world’s leading manufacturing hub and a rapidly growing economy, China has become a central figure in international climate governance. This prominence is attributable to its substantial greenhouse gas emissions (Chien et al. 2023) as well as its significant investments in renewable energy and climate policy initiatives (Yu et al. 2024).

China’s rapid industrialization and urbanization have significantly contributed to global climate change (Ding and Li 2017). According to the International Energy Agency (2023), China’s emissions grew around 565 Mt in 2023, by far the largest increase globally and a continuation of China’s emissions-intensive economic growth in the post-pandemic period. Nevertheless, China has demonstrated considerable commitment to climate governance. As the world’s largest investor in renewable energy, it dedicates substantial resources to green transitions and actively participates in international climate negotiations. Ambitious goals, such as peaking carbon emissions and achieving carbon neutrality, further illustrate China’s proactive approach to climate action (Yu et al. 2024; Zhou et al. 2019). However, the tension between sustaining economic growth and reducing emissions remains a persistent challenge (Dong et al. 2021). This dual identity, as both the world’s second-largest economy and a developing nation, places China’s climate actions at the forefront of international media attention.

News media play a pivotal role in shaping national images and influencing public perceptions (Andrews and Caren 2010). Through the activation of social identity, media can foster a process of othering, where distinctions between in-groups and out-groups are drawn, leading to potential biases (Walter and Fazekas 2023). This othering process serves not only as a tool for social categorization but also as a mechanism for marginalizing and exploiting specific groups (Reisigl and Wodak 2001). In the context of global challenges such as climate change, othering in media representations can have profound implications for international relations and public discourse, influencing perceptions of responsibility and leadership. Climate change reporting is more than the dissemination of information; it is a mediated process that reflects the complex interplay between scientists, policymakers, and the public (Boykoff and Boykoff 2007). Media coverage of climate change is rarely neutral or objective. For example, Bell (1994b) found that New Zealand media exaggerated climate change developments and conflated ozone depletion with the greenhouse effect. Russo (2018) argued that journalistic practices recontextualize and transform scientific, political, and institutional discourses, embedding them within new social narratives.

Against this backdrop, this study examines British media coverage of China’s role in climate change, with a particular focus on discursive construction and the dynamics of othering. Specifically, this research investigates the discursive strategies employed by British news media to represent China’s role in climate change. By examining these strategies, the study aims to uncover how British media contribute to the construction of China’s international image while also exploring the interplay between discourse and socio-political contexts. This research offers new insights into media-driven constructions of the other in the context of global environmental governance.

Literature review

Climate change in China

Global climate change has become a central issue on the international stage, with China among the most affected countries (Fang et al. 2018). The nation faces significant climate-related challenges, including rising temperatures, severe air pollution, frequent extreme weather events, and shifts in vector ecology (Cai et al. 2021; Sun et al. 2022). These environmental threats not only jeopardize China’s economic development but also complicate its efforts to respond effectively to climate change (Song et al. 2022). Existing literature on climate change in China has examined advancements in climate mitigation technologies (Chien et al. 2023), resilience in the context of sustainability (Zhao et al. 2023), and the effects of climate change on agriculture (Cui and Zhong 2024; Song et al. 2022). These studies provide a solid theoretical foundation for understanding China’s climate strategies and highlight its indispensable role in global climate governance.

To address climate change, China has implemented a series of carbon reduction policies. The 2007 National Plan for Addressing Climate Change marked the country’s first comprehensive national climate policy, serving as a domestic milestone and a reference point for other developing nations (Ge and Lin 2021). In 2015, China recorded its first decline in energy-related carbon emissions (Yu et al. 2024). Following the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement in 2017, China positioned itself as a balancing force in international climate negotiations. Most notably, in 2020, China announced its commitment to achieve carbon neutrality by 2060 and peak carbon dioxide emissions by 2030 (Li et al. 2024; Wang et al. 2021). Through these evolving policies and initiatives, China has transformed from a participant to a proactive leader in climate governance, thereby amplifying its global influence (Heggelund 2021).

Despite these advancements, China faces persistent challenges on the path to carbon neutrality. First, China’s energy consumption and carbon emissions continue to increase, with peak emissions yet to be reached (Zhao et al. 2022). Second, compared to developed nations, China has a much shorter transition period between peak emissions and carbon neutrality, making its decarbonization process particularly demanding. Third, China’s heavy reliance on high-carbon fossil fuels, which constitutes a substantial share of its energy mix, continues to drive its status as the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases (Dong et al. 2021; Wang et al. 2015). Additionally, China’s comparatively lower level of economic development restricts its capacity to absorb economic risks, further complicating its decarbonization efforts (Zhao et al. 2022).

Media representation of climate change

News media play a crucial role in shaping public understanding of social issues, significantly influencing public opinion, societal attitudes, and policy development (Andrews and Caren 2010; Sutherland and Armbrecht 2024). The rise of the internet and the proliferation of online news platforms have further globalized information dissemination, making it easier for audiences to access media content from diverse cultural contexts (Feng and Duncan 2024). A 2020 online survey conducted across 40 countries found that news media are the primary source of information for the public on climate change (Schäfer and Painter 2021). Moreover, media coverage of climate change has enhanced public awareness of scientific, technological, and sustainability issues, thereby fostering greater public engagement (Dehdarirad and Karlsson 2021).

However, discrepancies often exist between scientific knowledge and media reporting on climate change. For example, Bell (1994a) found that media coverage in New Zealand often exaggerated climate change impacts, exhibited over-certainty, and conflated key concepts, leading to public misinterpretations of climate science. Boykoff and Boykoff (2007) highlighted that journalistic norms, such as personalization and dramatization, hinder accurate communication of climate science by prioritizing controversy and novelty over scientific accuracy. Gillings and Dayrell (2024), through a diachronic analysis of British media from 2003 to 2019, demonstrated that climate discourse evolves with shifting sociopolitical contexts: while early coverage often advocated for climate action, climate skepticism became more prominent after 2008, and recent years have seen a resurgence in public engagement and broader coverage. Collectively, these studies highlight the dynamic and context-dependent nature of climate change discourse in the media.

Regional variations in media representations have also been documented. For example, Bevitori and Johnson (2022) compared media coverage in the Global North and Global South between 2010 and 2017, revealing that Global North media emphasized “risk,” while Global South media focused more on “resilience.” This divergence reflects differing regional priorities. Russo and Bevitori (2025) analyzed the framing of “polycrisis” and “permacrisis” in EU political communication, illustrating how climate and health crises intersect in broader crisis narratives. These findings underscore the influence of regional and sociopolitical factors on climate change discourse, which in turn influences public perceptions and policy debates.

As China’s involvement in climate governance deepens, research on climate change communication within and about China has also grown. Duan and Miller (2021) compared party-affiliated and market-oriented Chinese media, finding that market-driven outlets incorporated a broader range of perspectives, including conflict frames and the voices of non-governmental organizations, whereas state-affiliated media prioritized domestic political agendas and scientific uncertainties. Yu et al. (2024) examined Chinese English-language media, revealing how state-run outlets construct China’s image on the international stage, particularly emphasizing its cooperative role in global climate efforts. Su and Hu (2021) contrasted Chinese and U.S. media coverage, uncovering significant differences in reporting styles shaped by political contexts. While these studies offer valuable insights into Chinese media practices, there remains a notable gap regarding Western representations of China’s climate actions.

A critical concept in climate change reporting is othering, which refers to the construction of distinctions between “us” and “them” by emphasizing in-group and out-group differences (Walter and Fazekas 2023). In media discourse, othering reinforces in-group identity while marginalizing external actors, often leading to biased representations (Slater 2007). This is particularly evident in cross-national media comparisons, where social identity activation can perpetuate stereotypes (Avraham and First 2006). While previous research has explored othering in media representations, limited attention has been given to how China is othered in the context of climate change. To address this gap, this study investigates how British media represent China’s role in global climate discourse. Using corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CDA), this research examines the discursive strategies employed by British news media in their coverage of China’s climate change actions and explores their role in shaping China’s international image. Specifically, the study is guided by the following research questions:

  1. (1)

    What discursive strategies are employed by British news media in their coverage of China’s role in climate change?

  2. (2)

    How do these discursive strategies shape China’s image in the context of international climate governance?

Methodology

Analytical framework

This study employs corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the representation of China in British media within the context of climate change. By integrating corpus linguistics (CL) with the qualitative method of CDA, this approach enables both a quantitative analysis of large datasets and a nuanced exploration of the social contexts and power dynamics embedded in the discourse (Baker 2012; Kong 2022; Liu 2024). In this study, climate change is conceptualized not only as a social phenomenon but also as a discursive one, where news media serve as a key arena for discursive contestation that influences public perceptions of specific countries (Coleman and Ross 2015). The analytical focus is to identify and interpret the discursive strategies employed by British media in covering China’s climate actions, uncovering the underlying socio-political contexts, and assessing their role in constructing China’s international image.

The discourse-historical approach (DHA), a branch of CDA, provides the primary theoretical framework for this study due to its effectiveness in examining the ideological functions of media representation (Wodak 2015). DHA emphasizes the importance of historical and social contexts in textual analysis, making it particularly suitable for investigating the interplay between discourse and socio-political factors. In this study, DHA is applied to analyze the discursive strategies used by British media in their coverage of China’s climate change actions. According to Wodak (2001), discursive strategies are goal-oriented, deliberate plans used in discourse to achieve specific social, political, psychological, or linguistic objectives. These strategies include: (1) nomination: naming social actors, objects/phenomena/events, and processes/actions; (2) predication: describing actions or characteristics of these actors; (3) argumentation: using arguments to support or refute claims; (4) perspectivization: conveying specific viewpoints, either explicitly or implicitly; and (5) intensification/mitigation: modifying the strength of discourse through linguistic devices such as adverbs, exaggerations, and metaphors (Wodak 2015). These strategies have been widely applied in media discourse analysis (Carvalho 2005) and are employed in this study to analyze how British media represent China’s role in climate change.

Data collection

To examine British media coverage of China’s climate change actions, this study draws on articles from The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph, collected from the Lexis Nexis database. These two newspapers were selected due to their contrasting political orientations. The Guardian represents a liberal-democratic perspective with a readership that includes intellectuals and younger demographics (Wilkinson and McGill 2009), while The Daily Telegraph is known for its conservative stance and middle-class readership (Chan and Goldthorpe 2007). Including both newspapers allows for a comprehensive understanding of how British media with different ideological leanings construct China’s role in climate change.

Articles were identified using keywords including “China,” “climate change,” “global warming,” “greenhouse,” and “carbon emission.” The dataset spans from January 1, 2018, to December 31, 2022, a period marked by significant global climate policy developments, including the implementation of the Paris Agreement and China’s commitment to achieving carbon neutrality by 2060. This period also marks a shift in China’s climate engagement, drawing increased international media attention. A total of 297 articles were initially retrieved from the Lexis Nexis database. To ensure relevance and consistency, the articles were filtered based on the following inclusion criteria: (1) only news reports were included, while opinion pieces and editorials were excluded; (2) articles needed to primarily focus on China’s role in climate change, with incidental mentions excluded; and (3) duplicate articles were removed. After applying these criteria, a total of 283 articles were selected for analysis.

The final corpus consists of 73 articles from The Daily Telegraph and 210 articles from The Guardian (see Table 1). The disparity in article numbers reflects the distinct editorial priorities of the two newspapers: The Guardian provides sustained and extensive coverage of climate change, while The Daily Telegraph adopts a more selective approach. Although the subcorpora are imbalanced in size, they provide a representative sample of each newspaper’s treatment of the topic.

Table 1 Distribution of news reports in the corpus.
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Data analysis

This study employs a multi-layered analytical approach, combining the corpus analysis tools AntConc and Sketch Engine with Wodak’s (2001) framework of discursive strategies, to systematically examine how British media represent China’s climate change actions. By integrating quantitative and qualitative methods, the analysis uncovers the linguistic and discursive mechanisms underlying these media representations. The analytical process is structured around five discursive strategies: nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification/mitigation.

Nomination strategy

The first step involved categorizing the entities referenced in the corpus, distinguishing among social actors, objects/phenomena/events, and processes/actions (Reisigl 2017). Social actors were further divided into six categories, including proper nouns, personal deixis, political deixis, ideological deixis, collective/individual deixis, and place deixis. Objects/phenomena/events were classified as either concrete or abstract, with the former referring to tangible entities and events, and the latter encompassing conceptual issues. Processes/actions were analyzed based on material, relational, and verbal expressions.

Predication strategy

This step examined how British media evaluate China’s climate actions through verb choices and associated lexical patterns. Using Sketch Engine’s word sketch function, high-frequency lexical verbs co-occurring with “China” were identified and analyzed for their semantic and syntactic roles. Special attention was paid to comparative keywords, as these often carry implicit evaluative meanings. To ensure the validity of interpretations, the findings were cross-checked through qualitative readings of selected articles.

Argumentation strategy

Drawing on Wodak and Meyer’s (2015) taxonomy of fifteen argumentation topoi (e.g., usefulness, humanitarianism, responsibility), this step examined how British media employ these topoi to support or challenge positions on China’s climate policies. Relevant keywords for each topos were identified by examining high-frequency terms in the corpus (see Table 2) and used as search terms in AntConc 4.2.4 to extract concordance lines. Two researchers independently analyzed these lines to determine the frequency of each topos in China-related climate change discourse, resolving any coding discrepancies through discussion to ensure reliability.

Table 2 Argumentation topoi and their search terms.
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Perspectivization strategy

This step focused on source attribution patterns within the news coverage to understand how different voices contribute to the media narrative. Sources were classified into three categories: (1) specific: clearly identified by name or institution (e.g., “she/he [person’s name] said…” or “The Guardian reported…”); (2) semi-specific: vaguely referenced (e.g., “local sources said…”); and (3) unidentified: sources without explicit attribution (e.g., “It is said that…”) (Ju 2023). Sources were further classified into government, social institutions, international organizations, opinion leaders, and the general public. This categorization enabled a detailed examination of the diversity and credibility of sources cited. Source attribution was independently coded by two researchers, with any discrepancies resolved through discussion, and frequencies for each source type analyzed.

Intensification/mitigation strategy

The final step investigated the use of intensifiers and modality in the media’s coverage to discern how language is employed to emphasize or downplay particular events or actions. AntConc 4.2.4 was used to identify the frequency of amplifiers (e.g., “most,” “very”) and downtoners (e.g., “slightly,” “somewhat”) in the corpus (Quirk et al. 1985). Additionally, modal verbs were categorized into high-value (e.g., “must”) and low-value (e.g., “could”) forms. High-value modals typically indicate stronger emotional and attitudinal intensity, aligning with intensification strategies, while low-value modals express weaker sentiment, aligning with mitigation strategies (Halliday 1994). A statistical analysis of high- and low-value modal verbs was conducted to assess how British media use these linguistic tools in their climate change coverage of China.

Findings

Through corpus-assisted CDA, this study explored how British media construct the othering of China in their coverage of climate change. The findings reveal that British media employ a range of discursive strategies, including nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification/mitigation, to shape multiple representations of China’s role in global climate governance.

Framing China’s climate role through nomination strategy

Table 3 illustrates the multiple dimensions of the nomination strategy employed by British media in covering China’s role in climate change. This strategy encompasses three key categories: social actors, objects/phenomena/events, and processes/actions, each of which is represented through specific classifications and examples.

Table 3 Nomination strategy.
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When naming social actors, British media utilize various deixis, including proper nouns (e.g., “Will Steffen,” “John Kerry,” “Xi”), personal deixis (e.g., “we,” “they”), political deixis (e.g., “Green Party,” “Officials”), ideological deixis (e.g., “Marxist,” “Socialist”), collective/individual deixis (e.g., “Developing Countries,” “Experts”), and place deixis (e.g., “Zhengzhou”). Proper nouns and political deixis are often used to construct explicit identities, while place deixis emphasizes the geographic context associated with China. For example, in Excerpt 1, the media references China’s per capita CO₂ emissions to question its classification as a “developing nation,” positioning China as a significant contributor to global emissions and underscoring its accountability.

(1) Finally, it is looking increasingly inappropriate to define China as a developing nation, since emissions of carbon dioxide per capita already exceed that of the UK (7.0 versus 5.8 tonnes per year using the production-based emissions published by the Global Carbon Project). (The Guardian, October 08, 2020)

The nomination strategies for objects/phenomena/events combine concrete nouns (e.g., “rainfall,” “electricity”) with abstract nouns (e.g., “policy,” “relationship,” “ambition”). Concrete nouns are predominantly used to highlight the direct impacts of climate change on China, such as extreme weather events or energy consumption. Abstract nouns, on the other hand, guide readers to assess China’s climate policies and long-term goals from a broader perspective. For example, in Excerpt 2, abstract nouns (e.g., “policy”) and proper nouns (e.g., “China,” “Russia,” “Canada”) are used to group China with other nations criticized for inadequate climate policies. This framing underscores China’s perceived negative impact on global climate governance, reinforcing its portrayal as a passive or obstructive actor in international climate efforts.

(2) China, Russia and Canada’s current climate policies would drive the world above a catastrophic 5C of warming by the end of the century, according to a study that ranks the climate goals of different countries. (The Guardian, November 16, 2018)

In describing processes and actions, British media employ three types of processes: material, relational, and verbal. Material processes (e.g., “cooperation,” “rise,” “commitment”) emphasize China’s tangible actions and initiatives in addressing climate change. Relational processes (e.g., “emitter,” “producer”) highlight China’s role in the global climate crisis. Verbal processes (e.g., “debate,” “announcement”) underscore China’s communication and participation in international climate discussions.

Constructing China’s climate actions through predication strategy

The predication strategy employed by British media, particularly through verb selection, plays a critical role in shaping the narrative around China’s climate change actions. Table 4 presents the ten most frequent lexical verbs collocated with “China,” illustrating the linguistic choices used to frame China’s activities in this domain.

Table 4 Top 10 lexical verbs collocated with “China”.
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The verb “announce,” as seen in Excerpt 3, is relatively neutral in tone. However, its co-occurrence with actions such as building new coal-fired power plants links China’s actions to high pollution and emissions. This linguistic framing positions China as acting in ways that diverge from global climate objectives, reinforcing its portrayal as an outsider within international climate governance. While the media offers an economic justification for China’s actions, it simultaneously suggests that economic priorities outweigh environmental considerations.

(3) In response to rising energy prices, China recently announced plans to accelerate its programme of building new coal-fired power plants. (The Guardian, November 2, 2021)

In Excerpt 4, the verb “plan” is used in the present continuous form, which highlights the ongoing nature of China’s climate-related actions. By juxtaposing China’s projected increase in emissions with the global target of limiting temperature rise to 1.5 °C, the media highlights a perceived misalignment between China’s actions and international scientific consensus. This contrast, often framed through a collective “we” versus “China,” reinforces a narrative of divergence from shared global commitments and further contributes to the construction of China as separate from the international community. In some cases, the focus shifts to the actions of external actors. For example, Excerpt 5 uses the verb “attempt” to describe U.S. actions as undermining China’s sovereignty. This framing offers an alternative perspective in which China is presented as a target of foreign interference rather than solely as a climate policy actor.

(4) Reductions of 7.6% are required every year of the coming decade if we wish to stay within the 1.5 °C limit: China is planning to increase its emissions over the same period. (The Guardian, October 08, 2020)

(5) Today, the US still grossly interferes in China’s internal affairs and attempts to undermine China’s sovereignty and security from time to time. (The Guardian, August 6, 2022)

Comparative language also plays a prominent role in constructing China’s climate responsibility. Table 5 reports the frequency of common comparative keywords in climate change-related statements about China, with “than” being the most frequently used.

Table 5 Frequency of comparative keywords.
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Comparative constructions often serve to highlight China’s share of global emissions relative to other countries. For example, Excerpt 6 uses “in contrast to” to compare UK 1% share of global carbon emissions with China’s 22%, as well as the shares of the US, EU, and India. Such comparisons amplify the perceived responsibility of these countries while minimizing the UK’s role. However, not all comparisons reinforce a narrative of disproportionate responsibility. In Excerpt 7, the comparison of per capita emissions between China and the U.S. provides a more nuanced perspective, suggesting that while China is a major emitter overall, individual Chinese citizens have a lower emissions footprint than their American counterparts.

(6) But climate change is a global phenomenon, and the UK only emits 1% of annual world GHG emissions in contrast to China at 22%, the US 13%, the rest of the EU 28%, and India 7%. (The Guardian, October 28, 2019)

(7) On average, a person in China consumes less than half of the emissions of a person in the US (7.2 tonnes per capita annually compared with 16.5 tonnes). (The Guardian, July 24, 2018)

Attributing climate responsibility through argumentation strategy

British media employ a range of argumentation strategies to frame China’s role in climate change, with a particular emphasis on topoi related to numbers, responsibility, definition, and danger/threat (see Table 6). Through the selective presentation of emissions data, the attribution of responsibility, and definitional framing, these strategies collectively shape public perceptions of China’s role in climate change, often simplifying complex realities and reinforcing a narrative of substantial Chinese responsibility and risk within the global context.

Table 6 Topoi and their frequency.
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The predominance of the numbers topos (449 occurrences) reflects a tendency in British media to present China’s contribution to global emissions through quantifiable data, such as emissions statistics and coal plant capacity data. While such numerical evidence can convey an impression of objectivity, it also serves to highlight China’s prominent position as a major emitter, reinforcing the perception of significant responsibility. For example, Excerpt 8 uses specific data, such as percentage increases and gigawatt figures, to underscore China’s role in the climate crisis, particularly when contrasted with other major economies.

(8) China’s emissions rose 4.7 pc last year. It released more CO2 and methane than the US, the EU and Japan combined. Yet some of its provinces are literally doubling down. Planning documents from small, sleepy Jiangxi reveal a push by that one region to build 22.6 gigawatts (GW) of new coal plants by 2025, raising its capacity twofold. Jiangxi would in theory become the world’s fifth biggest coal power. (The Daily Telegraph, November 28, 2019)

The responsibility topos (65 occurrences) emphasizes China’s role by framing it as obligated to take more substantial action due to its status as the largest emitter. Furthermore, the definition topos (34 occurrences) is used to establish China’s identity in climate change discourse, typically categorizing it as the world’s largest emitter or a pivotal actor in global environmental governance. This framing tends to simplify China’s multifaceted position by reducing it primarily to its emissions profile, with limited engagement with the policy or structural challenges it faces in mitigation. In Excerpt 9, for example, while China’s economic difficulties are briefly acknowledged, the primary focus remains on the scale of its coal consumption, thereby downplaying the complexities of its developmental context.

(9) China is by far the world’s biggest annual emitter - responsible for about half global coal use-and turning around its economy will be a massive task. (The Guardian, October 30, 2020)

The danger and threat topos (23 occurrences) reflects a more ambivalent stance in British media. While China is sometimes framed as an economic or geopolitical threat, especially in terms of the UK’s national interests, there are also calls for cooperation on climate change and other global challenges. For example, Excerpt 10 illustrates this duality by describing China as both a “systemic challenge” and a necessary partner.

(10) China was described as a “systemic challenge” and the “biggest state-based threat” to the UK’s economic security, but the review also called for deeper trade links and more co-operation with Beijing on climate change and pandemic preparedness. (The Daily Telegraph, March 17, 2021)

Balancing cooperation and skepticism through perspectivization strategy

The perspectivization strategy reflects how British media selectively cite sources to frame China’s climate change, thereby shaping public perceptions (Bouko et al. 2022). Through the careful attribution of sources and the inclusion of diverse source types, British media construct a nuanced and multilayered portrayal of China’s role in climate change.

As shown in Table 7, the majority of reports (69%) attribute information to specific sources, enhancing the credibility of the coverage. For example, Excerpt 11 features a direct quote from Xie Zhenhua, China’s special envoy for climate change, which highlights constructive U.S.–China cooperation. A notable proportion of reports (29%) rely on semi-specific sources, are less precise and may introduce ambiguity or signal journalistic distancing. For example, in Excerpt 12, the reference to “Chinese state media” lacks precision, potentially raising questions about transparency and intent. Although unidentified sources appear in only 2% of the sample, their use often coincides with a more critical or skeptical tone. In Excerpt 13, the vague reference to “climate experts” conveys doubt about China’s climate commitments.

(11) Xie said he and John Kerry, the US special presidential envoy for climate, had enjoyed “very constructive” discussions. “We have had a close and active dialogue, that was overall very constructive. We want to ensure the success of COP27 and exchange opinions on our differences.” (The Guardian, November 19, 2022)

(12) Chinese state media said Xi had indicated China was “ready to advance relations with Australia based on mutual respect [and] win-win principles”. (The Guardian, December 21, 2022)

(13) Xi’s commitment was positive but did not mark a breakthrough, climate experts said, as it would still allow for the construction of hundreds of coal-fired power stations planned for the next five years. (The Guardian, April 23, 2021)

Table 7 Source attribution statistics.
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In addition to varying degrees of specificity, British media also draw upon a diverse array of source categories (see Table 8). This diversity reflects a strategic perspectivization that contributes to a multilayered portrayal of China’s position in climate governance.

Table 8 Source categories.
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Government officials (34%) are the most frequently cited, followed closely by social institutions (31%) and international organizations (20%). For example, Excerpt 14 features a statement from Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, highlighting the responsibilities associated with China’s global status. Opinion leaders and think tank representatives are referenced to provide additional context or alternative viewpoints. In Excerpt 15, a U.S. think tank director’s perspective is cited to frame the issue within broader governance debates, rather than solely in terms of bilateral competition. International organizations also play an important role in shaping a more balanced perspective. For instance, Excerpt 16 quotes an international NGO director who recognizes the feasibility and significance of China’s carbon neutrality targets.

(14) “Having achieved this status, it is important that China’s trade arrangements and participation in addressing important global environmental challenges, with transparency in their partnerships and support for developing nations, reflect this new status and the responsibilities that go with it as a world power,” Morrison said. (The Guardian, September 23, 2019)

(15) “In his view, the United States is in a competition of governance systems with China,” Wright wrote in the Atlantic on Wednesday. “His response is not about spreading democracy at gunpoint or even democracy promotion per se, but about showing that democracy can deliver - at home and abroad.” (The Guardian, June 09, 2021)

(16) Richard Baron, the executive director of the 2050 Pathways Platform, an NGO, said: “China’s carbon neutrality goal is absolutely feasible both technically and economically. With China and the EU both setting stronger targets, the picture for how the world can meet the long-term goals of the Paris agreement just got much clearer.” (The Guardian, September 22, 2020)

Amplifying responsibility and uncertainty through intensification/mitigation strategy

The interplay between intensification and mitigation strategies in British media reporting functions to both amplify China’s responsibility for climate action and highlight uncertainties surrounding its commitments. As shown in Table 9, intensification is achieved primarily through the use of intensifying adverbs and high-value modal verbs, which serve to stress the urgency of climate action and China’s pivotal role in addressing the crisis. Simultaneously, mitigation strategies are also present, evidenced by the use of mitigating adverbs and low-value modal verbs, which reflect a more cautious or skeptical stance toward China’s climate efforts.

Table 9 Frequency of intensifying and mitigating adverbs and modal verbs.
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Intensification strategies serve to elevate the perceived significance of China’s actions in global climate governance. For example, in Excerpt 17, the Prince of Wales’s assertion that climate change “simply cannot be solved without China,” accompanied by the superlative adverb “most”, frames China as indispensable to any solution to the climate crisis. Furthermore, high-value modal verbs such as “must” and “should” further reinforce the narrative of China’s responsibility and necessity for action.

(17) The Prince of Wales has said climate change “simply cannot be solved without China” in his most direct plea to the nation he believes now holds the key to saving the planet. (The Daily Telegraph, August 23, 2022)

Mitigation strategies are evident in the use of mitigating adverbs and low-value modal verbs, which introduce reservations or soften assertions about China’s climate efforts. These linguistic choices often express cautious optimism or implicit skepticism. In Excerpt 18, the adverb “somewhat” qualifies the progress being made, suggesting that while there are positive developments, they may be insufficient. Low-value modal verbs are employed to convey uncertainty or doubt. For instance, in Excerpt 19, “might” signals doubt about China’s climate leadership.

(18) If China fails on coal, the rest of the world will fail on containing dangerous climate change. But the stars are now somewhat aligning on breaking China’s addiction to coal. (The Guardian, April 15, 2021)

(19) Xi Jinping’s bid for world climate leadership might be more palatable if China were not building a new coal plant every two weeks or adding more gigawatts of coal power each year than the rest of the world combined. (The Daily Telegraph, October 01,2020)

Discussion

This study employed corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine how British media construct representations of China in their climate change coverage between 2018 and 2022. The analysis reveals that British media utilize a variety of discursive strategies—including nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification/mitigation—to construct an ambivalent narrative that both underscores China’s indispensability and casts it as a potential obstacle, reproducing the dual logic of inclusion and exclusion that characterizes othering practices in international discourse (Avraham and First 2006).

China has made remarkable strides in renewable energy, becoming the world’s largest producer of solar panels and wind turbines (Zhao et al. 2022). While some coverage recognizes China’s leadership in renewable energy investment and its policy commitments, such as the carbon neutrality target by 2060 and peak carbon dioxide emissions by 2030 (Zhou et al. 2019), British media predominantly foreground China’s ongoing reliance on coal and its rising emissions. Through the use of contrastive framings and evaluative language, China is frequently positioned as the other, differing from the international community. The nomination strategy constructs China as the principal emitter, often in juxtaposition to the emission reductions in Western countries. The argumentation strategy further strengthens this framing by citing statistical evidence of China’s expansion of coal-fired power plants as indicative of its inadequate alignment with global climate objectives. This selective framing contributes to a negative depiction of China’s climate role and tends to overlook the historical emissions of developed nations, thereby amplifying China’s environmental footprint within global discourse (Neumayer 2000).

Perspectivization is pivotal in shaping the stance and involvement of speakers and writers (Wodak 2015). British outlets tend to quote Western political figures, international organizations, and experts, generating a mixed narrative that acknowledges China’s efforts while expressing implicit doubts about its reliability. The interplay of intensification and mitigation strategies further complicates this discourse. Intensification strategies stress China’s centrality to the global climate agenda, suggesting that global success depends on China’s actions. Conversely, mitigation strategies introduce skepticism about the credibility and implementation of China’s commitments.

These findings reaffirm the active role of discourse in shaping, rather than merely reflecting, reality—particularly in the construction of power relations (Blommaert and Bulcaen 2000). British media’s narrative stands in contrast to Chinese media discourse, which tends to highlight progress in renewable energy and policy innovation (Yu et al. 2024). China’s efforts to combat climate change are intertwined with its broader vision for global governance, exemplified by its advocacy for “a community with a shared future for mankind,” which emphasizes mutual benefit, collectivism, and cooperation (Yu et al. 2024). This vision contrasts with the governance models of many Western countries, which are often rooted in individualism and competition (Bettache, 2024). Drawing on Althusser’s (2006) concept of Ideological State Apparatuses, it becomes evident that media discourse serves as a vehicle for perpetuating existing global power structures. By foregrounding China’s high emissions and casting doubt on its climate policies, British media reinforce the legitimacy of Western leadership in global climate governance while simultaneously portraying China as both indispensable and unreliable. These discursive constructions reflect not only environmental concerns but also the underlying geopolitical asymmetries and ideological contestations embedded in international climate discourse.

Conclusion

This study employed corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis (CDA) to systematically investigate how British media frame China’s role in climate change. By analyzing 283 articles from The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph, the study identified the use of discursive strategies, such as nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification/mitigation, as central to the construction of China’s image in UK climate reporting. These strategies serve a dual function: positioning China as a key actor in global climate governance while simultaneously contributing to its discursive othering. The analysis reveals that specific linguistic choices contribute to a predominantly negative framing of China, reinforcing the dominant role of Western narratives in global climate discourse. This highlights the media’s influence in constructing national images and sustaining ideological power asymmetries in international climate governance.

Theoretically, this study contributes to the growing body of research that integrates CDA with corpus linguistics (CL), demonstrating the value of this combined approach for analyzing large-scale media discourse. It offers a nuanced understanding of how discursive strategies interact with socio-political contexts to construct national identities. The exploration of the othering phenomenon also provides valuable insights for research in cross-cultural communication and media discourse. Practically, the findings enhance our understanding of how British media exercise discursive power in shaping international perceptions of China’s climate policies, offering implications for both media literacy and global climate diplomacy.

Despite its contributions, this study has certain limitations. First, its focus on only two newspapers and the treatment of their content as a combined corpus limit the analysis of distinctions arising from differing political alignments. A separate, comparative analysis could yield a more differentiated understanding of how political orientations shape representations of China’s climate role. Second, the analysis of discursive strategies is primarily based on frequency counts, lacking more robust statistical measures. Future studies should consider incorporating a broader range of media sources and employ statistically grounded approaches to enhance analytical depth. Third, this study examined media coverage within a specific timeframe. Extending the analysis to a longer period would allow for the exploration of how discursive strategies evolve over time, offering further insights into the shifting dynamics of climate change discourse. This study takes a modest step toward understanding how media discourse shapes national roles in climate narratives, with the hope of inspiring further inquiry into their discursive construction within international climate communication.