Introduction

The encounter between Western missionaries and China in the 19th and early 20th centuries was an extraordinarily complex moment in the history of modern China. After the First Opium War, China was compelled to open up to Western trade and influence following the signing of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 and was thus forced to abandon the seclusion it had pursued under the Qing dynasty for over 200 years. It was this change that allowed missionaries to penetrate Chinese society, where they not only appeared as bearers of faith but also of modernity. They made significant contributions in various fields, including medicine, education, and cultural exchange, to China’s development (Ye, 2024).

Early missionary endeavors introduced Western medical methods through the establishment of the first clinics and hospitals in China. Pioneers, such as Robert Morrison and John Livingstone established medical institutions in Macau, providing lifesaving treatments and instructing local practitioners in contemporary medical procedures (Li et al., 2023, Pai et al., 2025). Over time, these institutions evolved into centers for social welfare and education, often serving as sanctuaries during times of public unrest. Simultaneously, missionaries established several schools and universities, radically transforming China’s conventional educational framework. By implementing curricula that prioritized science, technology, and liberal arts, these schools contested the entrenched Confucian system that had traditionally promoted bureaucratic training. This transition catalyzed economic and scientific progress while also creating new avenues for social mobility and, notably, for women’s education—an aspect where conventional Chinese culture had imposed stringent limitations (Wong, 2015).

Nonetheless, the legacy of missionary endeavors in China is characterized by more than mere advancement and altruism. Missionaries frequently pursued objectives that went beyond mere religious conversion, aiming instead for cultural transformation. Their endeavors to propagate Western ideas and technologies were often supported by a perception of cultural superiority, which occasionally resulted in patronizing attitudes and practices that conflicted with entrenched Chinese customs and beliefs. Such interactions cultivated an atmosphere of misapprehension and opposition (Luo et al., 2024, Li et al., 2025). Missionary accounts chronicled in magazines, letters, and diaries frequently emphasize their achievements. However, these narratives often neglect the cultural upheavals and social tensions that preceded their interventions. Conversely, indigenous Chinese records, although limited and sometimes incomplete, offer essential perspectives that challenge these biased representations and reveal the complexities of cross-cultural interactions (Liu and White, 2019).

Moreover, the inherent biases of Western source materials underscore the need for a balanced historiographical approach. Through a critical analysis of missionary materials and Chinese indigenous sources, historians can develop a more nuanced comprehension of the impact of Western actions on Chinese society. This dual approach is crucial for honoring both the concrete accomplishments of missionaries, including advancements in modern medicine and education, as well as the cultural and social implications of their efforts (Barnes, 2003).

The present article critically examines the historical story of the missionary in China, considering multiple perspectives on this issue from both Western and Chinese perspectives. It explored how missionaries had been instrumental in promoting modernization, for instance, in health and education, and also examined the cultural tensions and preconceptions embedded within their stories. This research aims to provide a balanced snapshot of the complex heritage of decades of missionary activity that has helped shape China into the country it is today.

Medical missions and the establishment of healthcare institutions

Before 1840, the Chinese government enforced a stringent isolationist policy that forbade interactions between Chinese nationals and foreigners. Consequently, only a limited number of missionaries were permitted to operate in mainland China (Zhang, 2015). The government opened only the port of Canton for foreign trade. However, missionaries were allowed to reside and carry out their activities in Macau and Canton. They usually engaged in proselytizing among the local population and distributed copies of the Bible. In 1827, Robert Morrison and John Livingstone established a clinic in Macau (Zhang, 2023). This was the first clinic established in China. In the same period, Dr. Colledge also founded a clinic in Macau, which became the first clinic built by Christian missionaries. It operated for approximately five years, providing medical aid to around 6000 individuals and successfully treating more than 4000 patients (Elman, 2006). After 1842, because of China’s defeat in the First Opium War, the Chinese government was compelled to open five commercial ports, thereby permitting missionaries to establish churches and hospitals in those regions (Roberts, 2012). Drawing on the Handbook of Christianity in China, the concentration of Christian hospitals in Shanghai (e.g., Renji and Tongren) was not only due to the city’s commercial prominence but also linked to local government policies aimed at absorbing Western technology (Tiedemann, 2010). By contrast, hospitals in inland provinces (e.g., Jinan) primarily served as tools for religious evangelism and had limited social impact, a regional disparity also highlighted in Tiedemann’s (2020) work. In 1900, European and American missionaries established various hospitals in numerous locations and contributed to the training of many qualified doctors and nurses in China (Zhang, 2023). These missionaries who established hospitals came to be known as “medical missionaries.” Many believed that becoming a doctor in China not only allowed them to heal the sick but also fulfilled one of their primary life goals.

Following the framework of The Church as a Safe Haven, hospitals like Pu Ren (Beijing) and Shanghai General functioned not only as medical centers but also as safe havens for marginalized communities during civil wars. This dual role reveals the inherent contradiction in missionary agendas: humanitarian service on the one hand and cultural and political influence on the other (Laamann and Lee, 2018).

Medical missionaries not only established hospitals, but they also authored numerous Western medical texts. For instance, they produced new editions of Bowu Xinbian, Quanti Xinlun, XIiyi Luelun, and Neike XInlun (Chen and Chen, 2022). Some of these works are translations of English medical texts, while others provide specific, practical insights into preclinical medicine. Additionally, missionaries established several medical colleges in China. In 1882, the Canton Hospital became the first hospital to hire a female physician. These female physicians specialized in women’s and children’s medicine (Xu, 2016). This development represented a significant improvement for Chinese women, who had been previously constrained by traditional cultural norms. Chinese women not only received an education but also secured employment opportunities. Moreover, with the assistance of missionaries, both male and female medical students were able to graduate from foreign medical colleges and return to China. Although their numbers were relatively small, these individuals made significant contributions to China’s medical field.

Missionary contributions to education and social reform

Besides their contributions to modern medicine, missionaries also established numerous colleges and universities to help Chinese people gain a deeper understanding of Western science and knowledge. These Christian schools typically translated texts on modern science and technology, which enabled many Chinese to become aware of the rapid changes occurring around the world. Initially, missionaries looked down upon Chinese culture, citing harmful practices, such as foot-binding among women. They believed that Western civilization had significantly transformed this ancient country through the influence of Christianity. However, these young missionaries underestimated the value of Chinese moral and religious teachings, which were deeply ingrained in the daily lives of the people and thus proved difficult to change.

The Chinese government was not as uninformed as some might assume. Top leaders actively encouraged many Chinese youths to study abroad, and these students later emerged as technological pioneers in modern China, contributing to the development of railways, telegraph systems, postal services, education, and commerce (Leung, 2024). One key advantage of Christian universities was their emphasis on Western education, particularly in science and technology, which contrasted sharply with traditional Chinese education. In traditional Chinese education, the focus was on preparing individuals for government service rather than on acquiring technical skills. Consequently, Christian universities initially struggled to compete with established traditional institutions, and many Chinese believed that these institutions merely offered vocational training with limited prospects. One of the most successful examples is Nanking University. Established by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1888, Nanking University introduced a wide range of practical courses, including liberal arts, medicine, and theology, and even established a middle school (Wang and Liu, 2022). This institution made a significant contribution to the advancement of the Chinese education system in the 19th century.

As Christie Chui-Shan Chow (2018, 2021) emphasizes in her studies of Christian girls’ schools, these institutions not only provided educational opportunities but also became platforms for redefining gendered roles in public spaces. For instance, the Guangzhou Hospital (1882), by employing female doctors, exposed the normative challenges of a patriarchal society, a theme explored in depth by Zhang (2023). In traditional Chinese education and society, women were not permitted to study or pursue professional development. In some cases, they were even sold by their families. For example, Luo Xiuyun, a girl from traditional Chinese society, was married at the age of fourteen, with her family receiving only $125 as a dowry (Xu, 2016). In traditional Chinese society, it was difficult for people to recognize the need for girls’ education, as evidenced by an 80% illiteracy rate among women (Paddle, 2024). Only women from elite urban classes had access to education, and even then, they were typically educated at home. Most women did not even know how to write their names. Educational opportunities for women were far inferior to those for men until the 19th century, as educational rights were predominantly reserved for men in Confucian society. However, in the 19 and 20th centuries, the right to education emerged as a fundamental component of women’s rights. Many missionaries established medical schools and other institutions to help Chinese women gain independence. Ultimately, these efforts contributed to breaking down traditional barriers to women’s participation.

Women’s healthcare was also a significant challenge in China (Fu, 2018). When a woman was sick, doctors were only permitted to examine her in the presence of her husband. They were not allowed to have any physical contact with female patients, and their examinations were often restricted to merely observing the woman’s face. At that time, China did not have any hospitals specifically dedicated to women and children, even among the elite. Furthermore, some Western male doctors faced strict limitations imposed by traditional cultural norms, which prevented them from treating female patients. Over time, these prohibitions were significantly relaxed, enabling many women to receive proper medical care (Xu, 2016).

Professional development was also a significant challenge for women. Recognizing these issues, missionaries took key steps to help improve women’s lives. In both hospitals and colleges, missionaries enrolled many women and trained them as teachers, nurses, and doctors (Haddad, 2023). Female nurses and teachers pioneered new professional roles for women, providing Chinese girls with new career choices and educational opportunities. In doing so, missionaries advanced new rights and roles for women in traditional Chinese society. Many women’s medical colleges have made significant contributions to the modernization of healthcare in China.

Chinese misunderstandings of missionary work

China is a nation with relatively weak formal religious institutions, yet it exhibits a pervasive belief in superstition. Missionaries were struck by the omnipresent nature of superstition throughout Chinese society. Superstition permeates every aspect of life, affecting daily behaviors and decisions across all social classes. It is essential to distinguish this superstition from religion; while religion represents the pursuit of a spiritual realm beyond the material world, superstition is oriented toward worldly, often materialistic concerns. From a Christian perspective, missionaries regarded Chinese society and its superstitions as both perplexing and implausible. Conversely, many Chinese found it challenging to understand the missionaries’ monotheistic religious beliefs, as these beliefs were abstract and intangible, transcending the everyday world.

Missionaries hoped that Chinese people would come to faith in Jesus, but many Chinese remained focused on offering sacrifices to their ancestors. Many Chinese viewed Jesus primarily as a healer who could help them recover from illnesses, essentially because missionary hospitals provided access to Western medicines. Once they recovered, however, many Chinese believed that Western medicine was inferior to traditional Chinese remedies, perceiving it as only addressing superficial symptoms. Chinese people often relied on traditional interpretations to understand both the missionaries and their medical practices. Moreover, traditional and conservative perspectives frequently limited a full appreciation of Western medicine and its approaches to health. Although many Chinese observed paradoxes in these practices, they generally maintained their trust in traditional medicine until such treatments resulted in serious health issues. For instance, when Western doctors performed surgeries, some Chinese believed that these foreigners were engaging in malevolent, magical rituals, considering such practices harmful to health. In some cases, local populations would even hurl crude insults in an attempt to halt the procedures, and there was a widespread belief that missionaries could not cure illnesses without charging a fee. In the 19th century, many missionaries provided free medical services, and their hospitals often prioritized treating conditions with immediate, curative interventions, particularly for the impoverished (Chen and Chen, 2022). Despite persistent rumors, an increasing number of Chinese eventually recognized that places marked by crosses offered genuine assistance.

Building on Ryan Dunch’s (2012) comparative study, resistance to Western medicine was not solely due to economic poverty but also reflected tensions between ‘science’’ as a colonial tool and indigenous knowledge. For example, in Tianjin, Lars Peter Laamann (2016) documents how rumors of ‘foreign witchcraft’’ directly correlated with British imperialist policies. Often, they did not have sufficient funds to seek medical treatment when ill, so many would remain at home and wait. Although missionaries provided free medical care, there was a widespread fear that foreigners would later demand payment once patients recovered. Furthermore, Chinese people were generally skeptical of Western medicine, being more familiar with traditional Chinese remedies (Chen and Chen, 2022). When traditional treatments proved ineffective, their confidence in alternative methods diminished. Meanwhile, ordinary people were typically accustomed to traditional medicine, which they viewed as unscientific and, at times, even akin to witchcraft. Consequently, when missionaries used Western medical treatments, many Chinese perceived these methods as a form of witchcraft, which instilled fear among them.

Establishing schools proved challenging for missionaries because many Chinese believed they did not need Western technologies and knowledge. Once established, these schools typically struggled to attract enough students. Some Chinese parents feared that foreigners might abduct and sell their children or youths (Xiaoying, 2011). During the 19th century, numerous cases of child abduction and trafficking were reported. For many Chinese, attending school was seen as a pathway to becoming a government official. When missionary schools were introduced, people perceived that they did not offer a route into government service. Consequently, for many families, securing immediate employment was considered more advantageous than sending their children to missionary schools.

In traditional Chinese society, education was predominantly reserved for men rather than women. Only women from elite classes could receive education, and this was typically confined to home-based instruction. The curriculum for women was often centered solely on the behavioral norms deemed appropriate for females in traditional society. Furthermore, women were not permitted to frequent public spaces independently; they were required to be accompanied by a male guardian, such as a father or husband. They were also forbidden from interacting with foreigners. Moreover, female participation in foreign organizations was either legally restricted or socially challenging (Xu, 2016). Consequently, it was difficult for women to secure employment or participate in public activities.

In the 19th century, China exhibited strong local protectionism. When Western medicine challenged traditional Chinese medicine, local doctors initiated many rumors about Western practices, which hindered its acceptance. Furthermore, when missionaries arrived in a new city, residents often refused to rent or sell property to them (Xiaoying, 2011). Overall, when foreigners behaved differently, Chinese people tended to regard them as “other.” These rumors extended beyond medicine and education to include business practices. The Qing government did not permit free trade; it only allowed Guangzhou in Guangdong province to operate as an open port. During the 19th century, Chinese people typically communicated using a specific “jargon.” However, missionaries and business people often could not understand this lingua franca, which was widely used in the Canton trade, leading to communication conflicts between locals and foreigners. Initially, missionaries did not consider this linguistic barrier significant, as they believed that their permits from the Qing government would ensure compliance from the local population. However, after interacting more with Chinese people, they discovered that locals used their jargon to discuss business matters. In the 19th century, this language barrier disrupted everyday interactions and contributed to the spread of rumors, as neither side could fully understand the other (Jia, 2009).

Dynamics of cultural clash and social conflict

During the 19th and 20th centuries, Chinese people harbored strong anti-foreigner sentiments. There were many reasons behind these attitudes, the primary one being a cultural clash. Many missionaries believed that traditional Chinese culture was inferior to Western culture. They often assumed the role of saviors and sought to persuade Chinese people to abandon their cultural traditions. Conversely, Chinese people viewed foreigners as merely possessing utilitarian technology that could be easily applied. However, they did not regard them as culturally superior or as successful in fostering a coherent cultural identity as the Chinese.

Before 1840, missionaries were closely tied to government officials, and the Qing government prohibited their missionary work. The Qing dynasty under Emperor Yongzheng was particularly opposed to Christianity among the Manchu people. Following China’s defeat in the First Opium War in 1842, the Chinese government opened its national borders, allowing missionaries to carry out their activities within the country. When missionaries entered mainland China, they found the country impoverished and lagging in development. Traditional cultural practices appeared stagnant in the 19th century. In the minds of the missionaries, the Chinese people and culture were perceived as requiring Western religion and civilization for salvation (Zhang, 2015).

However, missionaries were impatient to learn about Chinese culture and society, and they were unaware of the complex structure of this ancient country. They mistakenly believed that it would be easy to change the old country, ignoring the resistance posed by deeply ingrained traditional customs. The circumstances created by the First Opium War allowed the Qing government to grant permission for missionary work.

In contrast, within civil society, many Chinese perceived the missionaries as accomplices of imperialism, believing that they aided their home countries in aggressing against China (Xiaoying, 2011). Chinese people harbored deep wariness toward every foreigner, suspecting that every action undertaken by missionaries was intended to facilitate imperialism and incite another war with China. In some rural areas, people lacking sufficient knowledge about these matters distrusted anyone not native to their locality, including those from other provinces, such as the Chinese.

The missionaries did not recognize these cultural and societal complexities; they hoped merely to learn the Chinese language and spread their religion. At the same time, their lack of understanding of local culture and customs often led them to take actions that inadvertently insulted Chinese people, even if such behavior was unintentional.

Missionaries typically adhered to the agreements between the Qing government and other countries, operating only in areas where they were permitted to do so. However, on occasion, they ventured into unauthorized regions. Sometimes, missionaries engaged solely in religious activities, while at other times, they assisted Western scientists or technologists in surveying the terrain. Such activities often provoked a local backlash, as many local people believed that these actions disrupted local feng shui (Xiaoying, 2011). Whenever disputes arose between missionaries and residents, local government officials promptly ordered the missionaries to leave, and some officials even joined the locals in opposing them. Moreover, missionaries appeared to overlook that the Qing state was not governed by the same legal principles as Western nations. They assumed that because the Qing government had entered into agreements with other countries, missionaries had the right to operate in the designated areas. However, the Qing government, local authorities, and the Chinese populace did not cooperate effectively, and as a result, the rights of missionaries were seldom safeguarded.

Many Chinese found it difficult to understand the behavior of missionaries.

They often wondered why these foreigners had come to their land and what their true intentions were. Many observed that these individuals arrived in the aftermath of a war in which the Qing government had failed. Some believed that foreigners imposed an aggressive cultural perspective that was starkly different from traditional Chinese culture. They felt that such foreign influences disrupted long-established customs, especially those related to women, thereby destabilizing both cultural and social order. Chinese society had long revered local deities; its people were traditionally polytheists or natural theists who honored their ancestors annually, adhered to ancient customs, and upheld time-honored morals (Xiaoying, 2011). Furthermore, notable differences existed between the elite and the ordinary people: the elite typically adhered to Confucianism, while the common folk were more inclined toward Daoism (De Caro, 2022). Many missionaries, unaware of these cultural nuances, became entangled in what could be described as a cultural conflict, even if they did not intentionally seek it. In the eyes of many Chinese, missionaries appeared determined to persuade them to abandon their cultural heritage in favor of adopting Christianity. However, such a transformation was seen as impossible, mainly because Daoism, deeply rooted throughout the mainland, actively resisted evangelistic efforts. Consequently, even among the elite, there was a profound mistrust of the missionaries Tables 1, 2.

Table 1 1800–1950: List of Important Chinese Church Hospitals Established by Missionaries (From K-12 Chinese Christian Education Site).
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Table 2 List of Chinese Church Schools (From K-12 Chinese Christian Education Site).
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In traditional Chinese culture, the relationship between local people and foreigners was not viewed as equal. Many Chinese believed that no other culture could be superior to their own except in terms of technological advancements. When foreigners arrived in their villages, residents tended to observe them through a traditional lens, which made them especially cautious of outsiders. They often suspected that foreigners might engage in illicit activities, such as child abduction and trafficking. When missionary doctors treated the sick, local people frequently believed that these doctors were employing curses or harmful rituals. This perspective stemmed from their personal experiences, although missionaries were generally unaware of these local beliefs.

Because of these conflicting views, bloody violence erupted against missionaries and foreigners. One of the most severe incidents was the Tianjin Massacre. On June 21, 1870, Chinese rioters in Tianjin killed 20 foreigners and Chinese Catholic priests (Jenne, 2021). This massacre targeted not only foreigners but also Chinese individuals associated with them. It exemplified the anti-foreign violence prevalent in China at that time, with numerous massacres occurring across the mainland. When violence broke out in one area, the riots swiftly spread to other cities within the province. In the Tianjin Massacre, French missionaries operated the Holy Childhood Association, an organization primarily responsible for assisting abandoned children, providing them with education, and introducing them to the Christian faith.

When the massacre news reached the international community, many countries believed that the riots might signal the beginning of widespread violence against foreigners. Many foreign powers expressed outrage and hoped that the Chinese government would take action to protect foreign nationals and their interests in China. For instance, the French government urged the Chinese authorities to punish the perpetrators severely.

Within Chinese society, numerous social groups were known to incite riots and were frequently involved in low-level criminal activities that resulted in multiple casualties. After such riots, these groups would often disperse quickly, making it difficult for the government to apprehend them. Additionally, these groups engaged in superstitious practices and sometimes believed that missionaries and nuns were similarly involved in activities designed to oppose them, further fueling hostility toward foreigners.

In the 1860s, a new church, the Lazarist Mission, was established in Tianjin, where nuns regularly dispensed medicine to the poor (Jenne, 2021). They believed that both medicine and faith possessed healing powers. However, many Chinese perceived these practices as akin to magic or sorcery. Furthermore, another organization, the Holy Childhood in Tianjin, affiliated with the church, focused on adopting children and educating them in Western ways. Although the Qing government authorized local authorities to help maintain peace around these churches, riots continued to occur. In some cases, when young children died, the Holy Childhood would perform baptisms for them, an act that aroused further suspicion among residents.

At that time, rumors and salacious stories were frequently disseminated through printed anti-Christian polemics, which only served to instill fear and hatred toward missionaries among the local population. Many foreign governments took notice of these developments and urged the Qing government to take action. They also attempted to justify the behavior of missionaries to local people, but these efforts proved ineffective. Because missionaries operated under licenses granted by the Qing government, they were often determined to defend their privileges, leading to a cycle of reprisals and escalating conflicts between the church and residents. In some Chinese families, it was commonly said that if you attended church, you were not allowed to return home. When the massacre occurred (Jenne, 2021), the Qing government was typically unable to halt the violence or apprehend the perpetrators. Diplomatic controversies between the Qing government and foreign governments were a persistent issue, and these tensions even culminated in the war of 1899–1900, when the Eight-Nation Alliance intervened in Beijing to rescue parishioners and restore law and order.

The evolving relationship between missionaries and chinese society

During their missionary work, many missionaries recognized the need to significantly alter their approach to dispel the perception of themselves as adversaries among the local population. Consequently, they began learning Chinese; for example, Nanking University emerged as one of the most important institutions for teaching Chinese to missionaries (Xiaoying, 2011). Many missionaries achieved a high level of proficiency in Chinese, enabling them to communicate fluently without the need for translation. Some missionaries even developed simplified methods for learning Chinese, techniques that were not only beneficial to them but were later adopted by Chinese learners as well (Crawford, 1888). These methods purportedly allowed a beginner to achieve conversational proficiency within two weeks. Additionally, missionaries developed an alphanumeric index that was widely published. Furthermore, they abandoned their earlier notion that Chinese culture was inferior to Western culture.

Church-affiliated schools and colleges also provided educational resources to offer courses in Chinese culture. For example, the University of Nanking established colleges of arts, science, and agriculture, and it began developing graduate-level programs in Chinese culture (Lewis, 2017).

Missionaries did not impose Western religions on the Chinese; instead, they allowed ample space for indigenous cultural traditions to flourish. Scholars acknowledged their achievements (Stockwell, 2003).

Furthermore, missionaries and other foreigners revised their rhetoric by opposing the pejorative notion of cultural imperialism, opting instead for terms, such as cultural transfer or cultural transmission to mitigate local hostility (Graham, 1995).

Additionally, missionaries undertook extensive translation work, focusing on Western medical texts and materials related to elite education. These translations provided essential teaching resources for medicine and education, contributing to the dissemination of common knowledge during early modern China (Fryer, 1880).

Subsequently, missionaries established newspapers that covered not only medical topics but also social, political, and cultural issues. Although many of these publications were later discontinued and are no longer in circulation, they remain valuable sources for research on various scientific and social subjects in modern China (Zhang, 2023).

Moreover, missionaries also studied Traditional Chinese Medicine. Although Chinese medicine incorporates many superstitious elements, it also embodies extensive practical knowledge. Missionaries often discovered beneficial herbal ingredients within their practices. When Chinese people observed that missionaries employed traditional Chinese medicinal methods to treat illnesses, it fostered confidence and trust between them.

Missionaries changed their perspectives during the conflicts in China. Initially, they focused on the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, a rebellion against the Qing government, believing that the Taiping regime shared their faith. Many missionaries visited its capital, and the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom fostered amicable relations with foreigners, hoping to establish friendly connections with other countries through the assistance of missionaries (Xiaoying, 2011). However, once the conflict intensified, missionaries realized that the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom did not honestly share their religious beliefs and was instead marked by poverty, warfare, and social breakdown. Consequently, some missionaries, along with foreign allies, assisted the Qing government in suppressing the rebellion. Two major wars, the Sino-Japanese War and the Boxer Uprising, profoundly altered Chinese society and pushed Sino-foreign relations to rock bottom, thereby placing missionary activities in a grim context. Nevertheless, Chinese elites increasingly recognized the value of the missionaries, engaging with Western education and embracing aspects of foreign culture (Wakeman Jr, 1977). This shift contributed to the revitalization of missionary efforts in China.

With the help and guidance of missionaries, Chinese people gradually came to trust them more than they had before. Although the Chinese government was reluctant to change, its governmental structure and society remained relatively closed; however, many Western cultural elements and activities became well-known among the Chinese. At that time, Western culture was predominantly industrial, having rapidly advanced following the Industrial Revolution. Other countries embraced Western culture alongside Christianity, education, medicine, and sports (Zhang, 2015).

Many missionaries did not initially realize the significant influence that sports could have on Chinese society. Prior to 1840, modern Western physical education and sports were not permitted in China; both missionaries and the Chinese elite focused primarily on education rather than on sports. While efforts were made to help the Chinese government expand educational opportunities, sports received little attention. When missionaries eventually introduced sports in China, the Chinese responded enthusiastically to various forms of physical activity. Along with sports, missionaries also promoted physical education. Initially, some Chinese perceived these efforts as “sugar-coated” attempts merely to attract converts to Christianity (Zhang, 2015).

Analysis of missionary girls’ schools in Republican China indicates that traditional cultural norms confined Chinese girls to domestic roles, significantly limiting their participation in public life and physical activities. The incremental incorporation of Western sports and physical education transformed these schools into vibrant settings where female students began to challenge traditional gender roles and reconfigure their identities. Research based on social cognition theory suggests that sports in China are categorized along a masculine-feminine continuum, where characteristics, such as power and strength are predominantly associated with masculinity. This differentiation is particularly evident among male participants (Xu et al., 2021).

In missionary education, the incorporation of sports facilitated physical empowerment and served as a medium for navigating complex gender identities, reconciling contemporary aspirations with traditional beliefs. Research by scholars, such as Jessie Lutz (1955, 1996, 2002) and Kathleen Lodwick (2014) illustrates that these schools served as platforms for comprehensive development, where the integration of Western-style physical education cultivated resilience and directly challenged traditional domestic norms. These findings collectively highlight the transformative power of sports in altering gender views and enhancing the agency of Chinese Christian women during this pivotal period.

Many Western sports were introduced and popularized in China not only by missionaries but also by organizations, such as the YMCA and YWCA. Sports, such as basketball, volleyball, and football became widely popular in China (Xu, 2008). These sports served as significant catalysts for the social transformation of Chinese society. Chinese people also recognized the sacrifices made by missionaries. During the Civil War, many missionaries risked and, in many cases, lost their lives while providing medical aid to local communities (Graves, 1905). While many missionaries died, others arrived shortly thereafter to continue their humanitarian work. Over time, missionaries earned the trust of the Chinese government, enabling them to assume roles not only as university presidents but also as influential participants in national policymaking.

Critical assessment of missionary and indigenous source materials

A rigorous evaluation of the available source materials is essential for understanding the multifaceted legacy of missionary work in China. Missionary periodicals, letters, diaries, and reports provide a vast amount of firsthand data on the roles of educators, medical workers, and ethnographers. However, these sources must be interrogated for inherent biases and selective reporting, while the comparatively limited Chinese source materials offer alternative and sometimes contrasting perspectives. We can only hope to understand the distinctive ways in which the missions both helped and hamstrung rural and urban China by critically evaluating both sources.

Missionaries set out their journals against a background of an environment heavily charged with religious enthusiasm and a compulsive desire to justify the West’s involvement in China. Their writers often intended them not only as accounts of what they were doing but also as arguments for Western audiences, donors, and states on the legitimacy and efficacy of their actions. As such, these tales often feature developments, such as the establishment of hospitals, schools, and translation programs. They also focus on the humanistic aspects of the mission (the introduction of modern medicine and education) while downplaying or ignoring outright examples of conflict, cultural disrespect, or abject failure.

Daniel H. Bays (2011) contends that these sources often depict Western science and technology as unambiguous instruments of development, a reading that overlooks the influence of local traditions and indigenous practices in shaping and occasionally opposing missionary efforts. Joseph Tse-Hei Lee (2018) similarly notes that whereas missionary reports highlight significant accomplishments in healthcare and education, they predominantly overlook the intricate reactions of local people. In numerous cases, these publications neglect to recognize that their narratives are entrenched in a specific ideological framework that favors Western civilization and frequently misrepresents or oversimplifies Chinese cultural practices.

It is worth noting that these missionary reports on China, however rich in factual details, were essentially the product of religious fervor and embedded with the prejudices of an imperialist age and a Victorian or Edwardian way of life. These tend to carry a binary and straightforward story of how the West is modern and China is somehow stuck (often conveniently forgetting the processes of cultural violence that were woven into missionary-run institutions). The Chinese indigenes’ sources, in turn, including government archives, personal diaries, and oral histories, provide a more nuanced and, at times, critical viewpoint that unveils local resistance and skepticism towards Western medicine, Western education, and Western ethnography.

To develop the research object, scholars of today need to combine multidisciplinary methods and comparative, attempting to use reports by missionaries alongside Chinese sources. The linguistic divide between classical Chinese texts and European language sources highlights the need for coordinated research among historians, linguists, and ethnologists.

Digital humanities may provide more accurate analyses of ideological tendencies in historical texts. Missionary writings document the significant interventions in areas, such as health, education, and cultural description; however, the missionaries’ Eurocentric perspectives bias interpretations of these activities. Appreciating these constraints enables historians to reconsider the missionary heritage not just as a vehicle for modernization but also as a terrain for cultural struggle and adaptation. Ultimately, an even-handed historiography considers both the creative and contentious aspects of missionaries’ involvement in China.

Conclusion

The history of the Influence of Western missionaries in 19th and early-20th-century China is not a simple relationship but rather a complex legacy. Missionaries introduced Western medicine and education, building clinics, hospitals, and schools that aided modernization in a previously closed society. These institutions offered life-saving cures, fundamental knowledge, and new educational experiences that even changed ancient customs. In addition, missionary work liberated women not only by challenging the prevailing patriarchal practices but also by offering opportunities previously unavailable to Chinese women.

“But this progress came hand in hand with cultural hegemony.” Missionaries consistently operated with an attitude of Western superiority that provoked local populations, who clung to ancient practices; misunderstandings were not uncommon. Their selective narratives tended to focus on accomplishments and sometimes downplayed the social and cultural upheaval that their projects had wrought. On the other hand, a complex picture of local skepticism and adaptability can be gleaned from indigenous sources.

Historians gain a balanced understanding of this complex process by critically evaluating both the missionary and indigenous perspectives. In the end, while the missionaries played a role in modernizing China through health and education, their story is also one of a legacy of cultural tensions and wars that were not resolved and that continue to shape modern Chinese identity. This article calls for a reexamination of missionary influence on Chinese development.