Introduction

First-generation students (FGS) are members of the first generation in their families to pursue studies in higher education. They often have challenging experiences in academia. They tend to have poorer academic achievements than continuing-generation students (Katrevich and Aruguete, 2017; Markle and Dyckhoff Stelzriede, 2020) and face significant social and cultural integration challenges. They also report lower levels of belonging in academia, feel marginalized (Gillen-O’Neel, 2021; Katrevich and Aruguete, 2017) and are less likely to pursue graduate (Master’s degree) or professional studies (Carlton, 2015; Pratt et al. 2019). In the current study we examined the experience of a group of FGS Palestinian Muslim minority women in Israel who completed a master’s level graduate program that included intensive support. As higher levels of education can contribute to social mobility (Breen and Müller, 2020), we aimed to identify and describe those factors that facilitated or hindered their academic accomplishment to learn what can assist with attaining an advanced degree among this population.

Theoretical framework

Most social-cultural theories and research addressing the experiences of FGS have been part of a discourse of deficit, mostly building upon Bourdieu and Passeron’s (1977) conceptual framework. According to this theory, individuals have different levels of cultural capital that affects their circumstances in life, with greater capital increasing one’s social position (Papadakis et al. 2020). Cultural capital includes social class, family background and commitment to education. It is the accumulated repertoire of knowledge, experiences and skills that is structured by one’s immediate environment (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977). The cultural capital of offspring of higher education graduates focuses on academic education and academic achievement expectations and reflects operative steps and suggestions that can help in planning higher education studies. These individuals are exposed to their parents’ higher education stories, experiences and aspirations and can learn from them. In contrast, the immediate environment of FGS does not provide them with such cultural capital (Ayalon and Mcdossi, 2016; Lareau, 2015). For them, higher education is a new world with its own features, values, norms, and sometimes language. They are less likely to be familiar with strategies required to manage their studies, like navigating the registration process, ascertaining resources of financial support (Pratt et al. 2019) or seeking help from instructors (McCallen and Johnson, 2020; Moschetti and Hudley, 2015; Schwartz et al. 2018). In addition, their parents cannot provide them with information or advice as they do not have this knowledge (Kim et al. 2018; Schwartz et al. 2018).

In consistency with the deficit discourse, the Cultural Mismatch Theory suggests that FGS usually come from interdependent societies and cultures that endorse family and community related values, like helping one’s family or becoming a source of pride for them (Stephens et al. 2012b). In contrast, higher education institutions enhance independence by promoting such values as self-development, self-fulfillment, and individual achievements. Research shows that the mismatch between independent values emphasized by college institutions and interdependent values that are part of FGS identity can be intimidating, causing physiological stress during difficult academic tasks (Stephens et al. 2012b). Thus, FGS face conflicts in which they have to choose between college demands and family commitments (Vasquez-Salgado et al. 2015). Studying in a college that promotes independence can negatively affect their academic achievement and predict a low subjective sense of belonging even at the completion of their undergraduate studies (Phillips et al. 2020; Stephens et al. 2012a; Vasquez-Salgado et al. 2015). Covarrubias and colleagues (2019), who investigated how interdependent and independent values influence the experience of FGS, found that even when they exhibited independence related values, FGS perceived them in the context of helping their families. One participant in their study stated that this was “a means to achieving my parents’ American dream” (p. 402). The authors concluded that students from interconnected families are never fully independent.

Not all FGS research focuses on the deficit discourse, however. Some studies include a more affirming perspective of FGS’ own capital, reflecting on their strengths and capabilities (Blackwell and Pinder, 2014; Ives and Castillo-Montoya, 2020). Based on Bourdieu’s work, Yosso (2005) developed a Community Cultural Wealth model, including six different types of capital: aspirational, linguistic, familial, social, navigational, and resistant (see also O’Shea et al. 2023). It intends to better understand and support marginalized students by valuing their cultural assets rather than seeing them as disadvantaged. FGS students are more likely to have these types of capital based on their accumulated life experiences. Yosso’s model highlights the strengths, resources, and knowledge they already possess, often rooted in their communities and life experiences. For example, West (1996 as cited by O’Shea et al. 2023) points out that experience handling transformations, ambiguity and creativity, which are associated with mothering, can very much prepare students who are mothers for coping with the uncertainty in higher education. From this perspective, familial capital does not have to be expressed only in providing academia related information but also in providing emotional support (Marbach and van Zanten, 2023). The deficit discourse that dominates FGS research does not take into consideration that such types of capital can play an important positive role in defining these students’ academic experience. Still, FGS face many challenges. A closer look at their experience can help reveal more of the types of capital they possess that can contribute to successful coping efforts in academia.

Interventions for bridging the cultural gap

Interventions that target the social and academic disparities that FGS face can make a difference in their adaptation to college life (Kim et al. 2018). Schwartz et al. (2018) studied the effectiveness of an intervention that aimed at cultivating social capital and developing the skills and attitudes needed to create connections with college instructors, staff and mentors who could help promote students’ academic and career goals. Results showed an improvement in the students’ help-seeking behaviors and closer relationships with their instructors. In another intervention by Townsend et al. (2019), Difference-Education, FGS read the stories of senior college students and recent graduates. This helped them understand how their backgrounds affect their experiences at college and helped close the gap in academic achievement. Stephens et al. (2015) introduced a model for personalizing higher education for FGS, claiming that:

Students also need to develop the understanding that school is part of “who I am,” “who I want to become,” and “the future I envision for myself.” Fortifying these school-relevant selves – and the fit and the empowerment with which they are associated – is important because they encourage academic engagement, motivation, and performance (p. 3).

Stephens and colleagues (2015) suggest three channels through which this could be achieved. The first is creating a more inclusive college culture. This can be done by emphasizing values relevant to the background of FGS or increasing the visibility of successful FGS in the college’s promotion materials. The second channel entails building relationships, e.g., creating opportunities to increase interactions with professors and administrators. Finally, they propose the provision of cultural capital, such as allowing FGS to learn the “rules of the game” and get feedback within a safe environment and at their own pace.

First-generation Palestinian Muslim women students in Israel

The current study describes the experience of a group of FGS minority Palestinian Muslim women in Israel in a special intensive support program aimed to facilitate their completion of a graduate degree. Palestinians in Israel are a minority, comprising about 21% (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2024) of the population, with Muslims comprising the largest group among them, 83.7%. Ethnically, they are Palestinians who remained on their land in 1948, with the declaration of Israel’s independence, and received Israeli citizenship. Most live in separate towns and villages and attend segregated Arabic-speaking schools. Generally, the rate of low income and poverty in the Palestinian population in Israel is three times higher than in the majority Jewish population (National Insurance Institute of Israel, 2020). Those who go on to higher education mostly attend Israeli Hebrew-speaking universities and colleges.

On the whole, Palestinian Muslim culture in Israel is interdependent, hierarchical and largely patriarchal. Individuals are expected to comply with and preserve family values and relationships, as these are considered of higher importance than the individual’s own priorities (Dwairy, 1997; Markus and Kitayama, 2010). Women are subordinate to men, and, for many decades, most stayed at home, taking care of the family, as in other traditional societies (Abu-Kaf, 2019). In contrast, the dominant values in the Israeli society are individualism and independence, where a person of any gender is entitled to their own choices and way of life. Most Israeli women work, and the majority of Israeli college students are women (Abu-Kaf, 2019; Ali, 2019).

The last few decades have witnessed significant sociological changes in the Palestinian society in Israel. In the past 10 years, Palestinian women’s higher education rates have doubled, so that two out of three Palestinian students in higher education in Israel are now women (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2025). However, they continue to face significant disadvantages in academia (Meler, 2022), due to several reasons. First, due to the embedded inequality between the Jewish and the Arab educational systems in Israel. The educational system serving Palestinian society in Israel falls off short of its Jewish counterpart in resources and quality, with teaching methods that often rely on passive learning and memorization rather than critical thinking (Abu-Hussain and Abu-Hussain, 2018). Thus, Palestinian students reach academic institutions with significantly lower readiness as opposed to Jewish students. In addition, Arabic-speaking Palestinian students must navigate academic studies in Hebrew. Third, Palestinian students must deal with a challenging cultural transition as they move from their interdependent, collective communities to the Israeli academic setting. These educational and cultural gaps create substantial difficulties for Arab students transitioning to higher education (Halabi, 2023). Moreover, minority women face an underprivileged status that is the consequence of three intersecting social categories that are forms of exclusion: female, minority status, and social class. According to the intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989), FGS minority women thus face an added complexity as they must navigate challenges imposed by all three forms of exclusion. Although research from an intersectionality perspective is limited, it shows that the experience of female FGS includes three dimensions of challenges: their identity, the availability and the sources of their support system, and their socioeconomic status (Leyva, 2011; Kim et al. 2021; Rascon, 2012). Female FGS struggle to manage the different roles that their culture and family anticipate of them. This is even harder when they do not receive support from their families and friends. In addition, Palestinian women in Israeli academia often experience marginalization not only due to their gender but also because of their ethnonational identity, which can lead to feelings of isolation and tension in academic environments. This marginalization is compounded by societal expectations that prioritize traditional roles for women (Binhas, 2023). What helps this cohort reach success is exploring their identities beyond being wives and mothers and having relationships with peers who are of the same age and with faculty advisors (Chavez, 2015; Kim et al. 2021; O’Shea et al. 2014).

Generally, in Israel, acceptance criteria are higher, and research is emphasized more at universities than in colleges. Colleges also tend to be located in more rural areas and are therefore often closer to Palestinian villages. These two features make colleges more accessible for socially disadvantaged groups than universities. Studies addressing the higher education experience of Palestinian Muslim women in Israel indicated that the main factors contributing to their success were family support spousal support and their positive perceptions of higher education (Oplatka and Lapidot, 2012). Nonetheless, FGS Palestinian Muslim women who venture into higher education are challenged by multiple cultural gaps: their mother tongue is Arabic whereas the teaching language is Hebrew; they are unfamiliar with college life; and they come from an interdependent, patriarchal and hierarchical society (Arar and Masry-Herzalah, 2014), where they are still expected to fulfill their duties and roles as wives, mothers and daughters.

The current study: context, purpose, and research questions

FGS Palestinian Muslim women apply to and attend Israeli higher education institutions through a standard process like any Israeli student. In recent years, and due to the abovementioned cultural and academic gaps, several committees established by policy makers, have recommended steps to promote Palestinian students’ access to higher education. Several of these steps have been adopted, including orientation and academic support programs; however, as it appears, more needs to be done (Arar and Haj-Yehia, 2016).

In the case of the college under study, the department administrators tailored a special track to the scholastic and cultural needs of a group of FGS Palestinian women with low academic readiness. The program included the following features: 1. Pre-requisite preparatory undergraduate courses offered at the college. 2. The students studied as a group throughout their degree. 3. Some courses were taken separately from regular classes to allow the women to feel comfortable enough to inquire and ask questions; 4. These separate courses were taught in Arabic, their mother tongue. 5. Personal tutors were assigned by student services at the college, mainly to provide assistance with assignments.

The aim of the current qualitative-phenomenological study was to describe and understand the participants’ experience during their graduate degree to identify what can enhance or impede attainment of graduate level education from their point of view. We posed the following research questions: (1) What is the meaning of studying in graduate school for the participants? (2) What is the experience of studying in graduate school? (3) What helped and what impeded studying during graduate school? (4) What are the advantages and disadvantages of studying in graduate school?

Methods

A phenomenological approach was used (Allman et al. 2024; Colaizzi, 1978) because it allows to examine the perspective and subjectivity of participants that are considered expert informants of a certain phenomenon. Reality is viewed as dependent on the interpretation given by each individual experiencing it. In the analysis, the most basic commonalities among participants are identified to describe the phenomenon studied (Allman et al. 2024).

Participants

A purposive sampling was used (Creswell and Creswell, 2023). Participants were a group of 10 Palestinian Muslim women in Israel who had just completed their last year in a graduate program in school counseling in a college in northern Israel. Initially, they had a very low predisposition and academic readiness for graduate studies. Not only did they come from a different culture than the dominant one in Israel, but they also had limited Hebrew-speaking and writing abilities and familiarity with this culture. All participants had completed an undergraduate degree, most in education, taught in Arabic, in an extension of a non-Israeli institution. Upon graduation, they realized that their degree was not accredited in Israel and that they would not be able to work in their profession in the country. To rectify the situation and offer an Israeli accredited degree, the undergraduate college approached another Israeli college (the current college) and a special program was developed for these students in the current college. Participation in this special program required they meet the admission criteria and pass a personal interview. Those who then successfully completed a year of pre-requisite undergraduate courses were accepted into a graduate program in school counseling. Ultimately, 10 women successfully completed the prerequisites and continued on to the graduate degree (the study participants).

The mean age of participants was 35.30 (SD = 6.8. range 25–47). Seven of them were married, one was divorced, and two were single. Eight had children (M = 2.75, SD = .89, range 2–4) ranging in age from 2 months to 22 years (M = 11.87, SD = 5.77). Most participants reported average or above average family income; four reported income below or way below average. All participants live in Palestinian villages. All seven husbands were employed; of these, four had a high school diploma, two had a post-high school education and one had a graduate degree. The parents of nine of the 10 participants had no higher education, and over half (55%) had no more than an elementary school education. One mother (5%) had no formal education, 10 parents (50%) completed elementary school, five (25%) completed high school, two fathers (10%) had a post-high school education, and one married couple (10%) had a bachelor’s degree each. Thus, one of the participants was not FGS. Nine of the 10 fathers had a history of employment, mainly in blue collar jobs, while nine of the 10 mothers were homemakers (the 10th was a teacher). In their family of origin, participants had 3–12 siblings (M = 6.10, SD = 3). Half had siblings with a college degree (three with an advanced degree).

Measures and procedure

The research team consisted of the authors, who are women, instructors in a school counseling graduate program. The first author is an Israeli Christian Palestinian, who is non-FGS but is part of the Arab-Palestinian culture and community. The second author is Jewish, a qualitative researcher, and has taught and supervised Arab students for over 20 years, becoming familiar with the intricacies of the culture. The first phase of the study included a “bracketing” process (Creswell and Poth, 2018) by both authors, which continued throughout the research. Bracketing in phenomenological studies involves journaling self-reflection, to make the researchers’ biases, expectations and prejudices regarding the phenomenon studied as conscious as possible, so these can influence data collection and analysis as little as possible. Overall, the bracketing process enabled the first researcher to be aware of her points of identification with the participants and the second author to allow herself to put her prior knowledge “aside” and be open to what emerged in the interviews.

Next, at the conclusion of the graduate program, participants were given information about the study by email and offered the possibility to participate. All members of the group were interested in participating. The measures consisted of a demographic questionnaire and a semi-structured interview based on the research questions. Data collection was conducted in 2018 and participants filled out a consent form that included information about their right to discontinue participation at any time without this affecting their academic evaluations, as well as assurances of anonymity (all names below are pseudonyms), and the demographic questionnaire. Finally, participants were interviewed individually in Hebrew in a private space in the college by the second author. The interviews lasted about an hour and were audiotaped and transcribed verbatim. The first interview was used to check the appropriateness of the interview guide and minor adjustments were made.

Data analysis

The second author conducted the analysis, based on Colaizzi’s (1978) phenomenological method (see also Allman et al. 2024), and the first author served as an auditor of the themes. The analysis included: (a) reading the interview protocols to get a sense of what was said, (b) extracting meaningful statements from each protocol; (c) giving meaning to each statement; (d) identifying clusters of themes from shared meanings (themes were usually deemed significant when they were common to at least half the participants). At this stage themes were also compared to the interview protocols to check for the accuracy of the interpretation: (e) developing a rich description of the phenomenon based on the clusters of themes; (f) describing the essence of the phenomenon by identifying its most basic elements; and (g) returning to participants for validation of the results by soliciting their input regarding the accuracy of the descriptions.

Findings

The findings are presented according to the themes and sub-themes that were identified. When less than half the participants mentioned a sub-theme, this is specifically noted. Quotations were translated from Hebrew.

Surprise, hope and misgivings

Participants began by describing how they discovered, upon completion of their undergraduate studies, that their degree did not afford them accreditation in Israel. Four of them stated they were shocked, disappointed, angry, and despondent, and some felt deceived by their undergraduate academic institution. All participants were surprised to be offered the chance to attend graduate school at an Israeli college and could not believe their good fortune. They felt that not only would their undergraduate degree “count for something,” but that they had been given an unexpected opportunity to go even further and earn a Master’s degree. This felt like a “miracle” and “dream,” and they hoped it would bring change in their lives and the lives of their families. Being the first generation of college students in their families, most had not even considered graduate school a possibility. Amal said:

I was excited … because I didn’t plan to study a Master’s degree. It was like an offer from the college, and like a distant dream, and I received it on a [silver] platter… When I heard that I could do it, it was like a dream … [Previously] I had a dream to finish [the B.A.] and work, and like [those] dreams were shattered when they said the diploma was not accredited. And I was in shock, and when they called me from [the college] that they would also recognize the diploma that I did, it gave me a bit of, how do you call it? A bit of light. [Interviewer: hope?] Yes, hope.

Despite the excitement, the opportunity also brought concerns and fears that the degree would be too demanding, and they would fail. Having previously studied in Arabic-speaking institutions, they feared that needing to understand and write in Hebrew would be a significant barrier to completing the degree. Safaa said:

At first, I was confused about this program because I couldn’t believe it. Really, I wasn’t sure I could do it…. I was very, very scared. Afraid of failure, to not succeed. Because I was always afraid of applying to study in colleges … in Israel because of my language [abilities]. I was afraid that my language [wasn’t good enough].

Although the participants did not spontaneously refer to themselves as FGS, possibly not being aware of the term, their doubt about their ability to study in graduate school is in line with the view that FGS lack cultural capital appropriate for success in academia (e.g., Ayalon and Mcdossi, 2016). Their experience mirrored that found in previous studies in which FGS were less likely to consider graduate education, faced significant challenges trying to find their place in academia and felt they did not belong there as much as other students (Gillen-O’Neel, 2021; Katrevich and Aruguete, 2017).

Graduate school experience

Hard work and personal and professional empowerment

Most participants stated that, on the whole, they enjoyed their studies, the classes, the academic program, their student group, the instructors and the college atmosphere, but also had difficulties. They described three characteristics of their experience during graduate school: (a) difficulty, overload, stress and strain; (b) sources of support; (c) personal and social implications of the academic experience.

Difficulty, overload, stress, and strain

Participants pointed to very few disadvantages of the graduate program but did cite four main negative characteristics of their college experience: (a) an intense schedule, (b) high level of academic demands and fear of failure; (c) conflict of roles; and (d) social criticism.

All participants described feeling stressed and overburdened. The days at the college were quite long, and some of the participants were also taking classes towards a teaching certificate in a different institution. This created a very busy week and an intense schedule. Zahira, who provided for herself, described her situation:

I have the house [to take care of], to pay [expenses], to work, to come [to the college]…. Sometimes … when we would come [to study] in the afternoon … I would work in the morning. It was difficult to come after a day of work … but when else could I work? … When I worked mornings, it was difficult for me to make a presentation [at the college] the same day … [so] I would [have to] miss work.

In addition, all participants mentioned that the academic level at the program was very high and said they had problems with the Hebrew language. They often felt frustration, difficulty and fear that they would not succeed. Israa said:

I wrote a paper [for] Dr. [Z] and there was a paper – at first, I didn’t, you know, there are instructions for the paper, and I did nothing of that and he wanted to give me a failing grade. I spoke with him and told him that I really don’t know how to write a paper…. And in the methodology course, methodology, I always tell them [that] in math, with numbers, I have dyscalculia, I know it. And I was very worried that I wouldn’t succeed in the repeat course.

All participants mentioned difficulty juggling schoolwork and family life. Most felt that school was impinging on their time at home or that responsibilities at home created an extra load making studying more difficult. Half felt that their studies were at the expense of their children, husband, and housework. Yara said about her children:

There were situations of exam periods and paper [submission] time, [when] I would hardly see them for almost two months …. I would be with them but not [really] with them…. I would study at home, but I’m in my room and they’re outside with their father. If they came to ask me something, I would say “go to daddy” [laughs]…. They say “mommy” ten times and only then I answer. Sometimes, yes, it was difficult. And it was at the expense of the home and the girls and my husband.

As opposed to feeling supported by their own and husband’s immediate families, they felt that their society overall was not supportive of their educational endeavors. Although they did not explicitly use the term “patriarchal norms,” they seemed to suggest that living in a society with traditional values limited the opportunities and support they received for their academic studies. Suha said:

I think that our experience is similar to [that of] every Arab woman. That of going to, like, study. Especially a woman who has children, a married woman… I understand that it’s very difficult in Arab society. Arab society doesn’t let, doesn’t allow a … woman to go out, to go forward. But my family really supported [me]. That’s what helped me. But our experience or the experience of the group is very similar to the experience, the experience of every Arab woman.

Six of the women mentioned they felt criticized by their husband’s extended family. Criticism mainly included suggesting that they are wasting time and money to no avail and that a woman should stay home and not study. They also noted that they were the objects of gossip, envy and lack of support from these extended family members. This aspect of their experience is likely the consequence of the traditional role expected of women in a patriarchal society (Abu-Kaf, 2019).

Sources of support

Participants mentioned three types of support that aided them during graduate school: (a) the student group; (b) immediate family members; and (c) college resources and instructors. All participants stated that their peer group played an extremely important role in their academic achievements. Most knew each other from the previous unaccredited program. With their peers they felt “at home, like a family.” They described frequent interactions that included sharing openly and meeting as a group. The other group members were a source of support, caring, assistance, consultation and encouragement for each other. As Suha described it:

It also encouraged me, gave me confidence, that we are in the same, in the same situation, same difficulties, same difficulties. We would encourage each other…. For example we would update each other all the time … and we would consult. If someone had difficulty with something, she could get advice. We have our own WhatsApp group. We would always push each other … It was very empowering, feeling that someone [is] from the same environment, [in] the same place … We were very cohesive.

All participants mentioned that their close family members were also a source of support. These included their family of origin, and married participants also noted support from their husband and his immediate family. Six of the eight mothers stated they received help with childcare. In addition, the participants reported they received tutoring through the Student Affairs department, which they mainly used for help writing assignments. Some reflected on the process throughout the degree, indicating that they think they learned a great deal from this assistance, becoming able upon graduation to write independently. Amal said:

I had difficulty with academic writing, but the college also helped us. From day one, they came as a team [and] said “you have [student services], you have tutoring. Go and get it.” And they would come every week and it’s true that our writing was bad, but I took tutoring hours and it really helped me. Now I sit at home and write and go to tutoring and [the tutor] just corrects a bit and that shows me that, wow! I did something, not only studies. [Interviewer: Not just studies. That you developed]. Yes, in [my] writing [skills].

The women also felt that the program instructors were very helpful and considerate, providing support and encouragement. They said they were highly approachable and responded readily when contacted. Amal said:

Frankly, all the instructors, if you want something, you get a response quickly. Even if not on the same day, on the next day, and that I also didn’t find in the [previous] college…. And here I ask a little question, and they answer me. And that gives you, that breaks the ice between you and the instructors. [It makes] you feel comfortable. They don’t have [the attitude] that they have more, that their thoughts are greater than mine and all that.

In accordance with both the Community Cultural Wealth Model (Yosso, 2005), and the Cultural Mismatch Theory (Stephens et al. 2012b) the participants’ ability to utilize the different sources of support they already had and that were provided by the college, was a way to counteract the mismatch between their own interdependent culture and the individualistic culture of academia. Thus, they were able to use their sources of strength while learning to feel “at home in school” (Stephens et al. 2015). In addition, as suggested by others (Chavez, 2015; Kim, et al. 2021; O’Shea et al. 2014), their support for each other and their advisors’ support contributed to their success in managing their different roles.

Personal and social implications of the academic experience

All participants reported that their studies enabled them to gain valuable knowledge, professional skills and experience, as well as academic skills. They learned to work with children and adolescents in schools, and with staff and parents, providing personal and group counseling and delivering intervention programs. Dina said: “[I gained] experience with people. In my practicum I saw all kinds of cases, all kinds of people and it made me feel that, as a school counselor, I can have a broader [perspective]”. Most participants mentioned that the program improved their speech and writing skills in Hebrew, which they found valuable. This required, however, a great deal of effort and intensive assistance from college instructors and staff, mainly in correcting papers multiple times.

All students also felt that they experienced personal development during the program, gaining an increased sense of intra-personal awareness, self-esteem and confidence and a greater ability to express themselves out loud. Most also felt more independent, responsible and self-reliant. Having completed the graduate program, they could now handle interactions with others better and felt more open and accepting than before. Eight mentioned that they had acquired interpersonal understanding and skills that help them with their lives and relationships with others, especially family members. Six felt that their ability to contain others’ feelings had deepened. More than half reported better emotional regulation and stated that they were less impulsive, calmer and had greater control over their feelings. In Yara’s words:

The change has many aspects to it. One aspect is my personality. I changed a lot. I became a responsible person. [I] trust myself very much with many things. And I have higher self-esteem than I had before. I changed many traits that I didn’t notice before. [Like] not listening until the end [of the sentence] or being judgmental towards everyone. Today I look at a person, I never judge, even if he comes to me and speaks badly to me. So I look at what’s behind, behind this act or this … [Interviewer: Behavior] behavior. There’s some background that made him speak to me this way…. I don’t judge and don’t get angry and don’t, yeah, I don’t. That’s something that changed a lot in me.

All participants also believed that their advanced degree is socially valuable and will allow them to have a meaningful occupation and a higher status and worth in society. According to research, exploring their identities beyond being wives, mothers, or daughters supports them in handling the different roles imposed on them in academia (Chavez, 2015; Kim, et al. 2021; O’Shea et al. 2014). Zubaida said:

A Master’s degree is a different status. A higher status. There is an opportunity, a chance to find work, easier than [with] a Bachelor’s degree. [They] look at where you studied. For me now, [they] don’t look at the bachelor’s degree, [they] see that I studied at [the college]. Wow! [The college]! That’s a high level. Wow, [the college] is a high level and known in all of Israel, that it’s the [X] largest college in Israel. So, it has its reputation.

Half of them felt a sense of vindication and an ability to prove wrong all those who looked down on them because of their unaccredited undergraduate degree. They also felt they could transcend traditional societal norms by earning a degree. Safaa said:

The people around [us] would not respect us. “What is [the former college]? The [former college] is not accredited….” “What is this? You are wasting time, wasting money on nothing.” I wanted to prove myself. [It was] difficult, difficult but [I] proved myself. I also wanted to continue [studying]. Now I have continued my studies in teaching based on my Bachelor’s degree at [the current college], not based on the [former college].

Most participants relayed feelings of pride, happiness and excitement about the great achievement of finishing their studies after several years of formidable effort. They felt they had succeeded despite their fears, the obstacles they faced and the hard work required. Suha described her sense of achievement:

First of all, it’s pride. A feeling that I’m special. There aren’t many in our village with a Master’s degree. It’s a social status too. It gave me a feeling of efficacy, of strength, that yes, I can! I’m not weak. Despite all the difficult situations, despite everything, despite my difficult experience, I also succeeded. I coped. And yes, I’m very proud of that. Yes.

Israa described part of the process she went through during her studies and her feelings of accomplishment:

At first I was afraid all the time [to speak] in front of all the students, all the Arab and Jewish students. And I was always closed within myself, not wanting to speak. But with time and practice, today I can sit and talk. Right, my [Hebrew] language isn’t that [great], but I’m happy with myself, happy for myself.

In completing their degree and experiencing a new sense of empowerment and pride alongside newly acquired skills and abilities, the participants were able to transcend the forms of exclusion (Crenshaw, 1989) that they faced as minority women from an underprivileged background in a patriarchal society.

Discussion

In the current study, we explored the experience of FGS minority women to highlight factors that impeded or facilitated the attainment of a Master’s degree as well as the implications of this experience for these women. Overall, the students reported a gap between their skills and knowledge and those required to complete the degree. They felt that the academic level of their studies was very high and experienced feelings of uncertainty and great concerns that they do not belong and that they might fail, not unlike FGS in previous studies (Carlton, 2015; Gillen-O’Neel, 2021; Pratt et al. 2019). These findings resonate with Bourdieu and Passeron’s (1977) cultural capital concept and the Mismatch Theory by Stephens et al. (2012b). Both frameworks point at cultural gaps that can hinder FGS success in higher education. Nonetheless, despite the language barrier and both academic and psychological challenges, as mentioned earlier, the participants’ account includes also hope and optimism, a sense of accomplishment and pride in overcoming immense challenges. Having a graduate degree meant a higher social status and new professional opportunities. It also provided an opportunity for significant personal development and increased sense of self-worth.

Although the participants did not refer to themselves as FGS, overall, their ability to complete their studies gave them a sense of empowerment and increased their self- and societal worth. They proudly talked about their success in overcoming obstacles and attaining the degree. They emphasized the contribution of this success to raising not only their social status, but also their families’ wellbeing and status, thereby alluding to how their interdependent values influenced their perception (Covarrubias et al. 2019; Kusserow, 2012; Stephens et al. 2012b).

Several factors contributed to the participants’ success and attainment of their Master’s degree. Their experience studying as a cohesive group provided mutual support and helped them overcome possible intimidation by unfamiliar values common in higher education. It allowed them to pursue independence from within their small interdependent group. This experience is reminiscent of Stephen and colleagues’ (2015) model of “feeling at home in school” by “making school relevant to the self.” In addition, the students received self-affirmation and empowerment through three channels: immersing themselves in an inclusive college culture, building relationships with instructors and bridging the cultural capital gap. The college’s intensive support was attuned to their needs: the Arabic-speaking instructors, the preparatory courses, the tutoring and the open communication channel with instructors helped the students feel more informed and confident and less stressed, similar to interventions described elsewhere (McCallen and Johnson, 2020; Moschetti and Hudley, 2015; Schwartz et al. 2018).

Viewing these findings through the lens of intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989) allows for a deeper understanding of the interconnected challenges faced by FGS minority women. Their experiences in graduate school were not shaped by a single identity but by the dynamic interplay of multiple social categories: gender, ethnonational identity, socioeconomic status, and educational background (Binhas, 2023; Kasworm, 2010). These intersecting identities produced compounded forms of marginalization, such as the cultural mismatch in academia (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977), the internal pressure to meet familial and societal expectations (Binhas, 2023), and the persistent fear of not belonging (Phillips et al. 2020). At the same time, their identity as women from interdependent cultures shaped their sources of resilience and motivation, allowing them to draw strength from familial ties and community solidarity (Oplatka and Lapidot, 2012). In contrast to a previous study regarding FGS (Vasquez-Salgado et al. 2015), our participants did not report that they had to choose between college and family demands but rather received support from their immediate family. Instead of seeing their background only as a challenge, the participants used their personal growth and sense of responsibility to their families and communities to stay motivated and keep going in their studies (Marbach and van Zanten, 2023). Looking at the participants’ experiences through the lens of intersectionality shows not only how complex their challenges really were but also reveals the many layers of support and strength that helped them succeed.

When viewed through the lens of Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) model that supports a more affirming perspective of FGS’ own capital, the findings of this study highlight not only the challenges FGS minority women face, but also the diverse forms of capital they bring with them into higher education that often goes unrecognized in deficit-oriented frameworks. Rather than framing these women primarily in terms of what they lack compared to traditional students, our findings reveal how their lived experiences provided essential resources for success, resilience, and growth. Participants demonstrated aspirational capital in their persistent pursuit of graduate education despite systemic barriers and internal doubts about belonging. Their strong desire to earn a Master’s degree and to elevate not only their own status but also their families’ reflects deep-rooted motivation and hope for upward mobility. This is especially meaningful in interdependent cultures, where personal goals are often deeply connected to family and community aspirations (Covarrubias et al. 2019).

Familial capital appeared as a significant form of support. Contrary to common assumptions in deficit discourse concerning FGS (Ayalon and Mcdossi, 2016; Lareau, 2015), the participants in this study reported conflict between academic and family or work responsibilities but also emphasized the emotional and instrumental support they received from spouses and immediate families, which served as a crucial resource in navigating academic challenges (Oplatka and Lapidot, 2012). As Marbach and van Zanten (2023) suggest, familial support does not have to be academic in nature to be impactful; its emotional grounding can provide essential stability in demanding environments. In our study, the immediate family also gave instrumental support, such as childcare. Moreover, social capital was clearly present in the participants’ group dynamic. They formed a cohesive, supportive peer group that allowed them to share coping strategies, reduce feelings of isolation, and build a sense of collective belonging within an unfamiliar academic space. Thus, relationships within their educational environment reinforced confidence and facilitated academic persistence. Participants also showed signs of navigational capital, as they successfully learned to operate within a higher education system that was culturally unfamiliar and, at times, alienating. They showed independence and flexibility by forming relationships with their instructors, using tutoring services, and making the most of the culturally responsive support.

The findings of this study suggest that FGS minority women possess a range of cultural and social resources that contribute meaningfully to their academic success. By viewing their experiences through Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model, it becomes clear that forms of capital such as familial support, aspirational motivation, peer solidarity, and navigational skills can play a critical role in shaping their graduate school journey even as first-generation minority women students (Blackwell and Pinder, 2014; Ives and Castillo-Montoya, 2020).

These insights call for recognizing the strengths and forms of capital that these students bring. Higher education institutions can better support FGS by fostering inclusive, culturally responsive learning environments, such as offering instructions in students’ native languages, creating opportunities for peer connection, and valuing diverse forms of support in addition to meaningful academic support, such as tutoring. Ultimately, this study highlights the importance of designing institutional programs that affirm the identities and life experiences of FGS minority women, coupled with intensive academic support, allowing them not only to succeed academically but also to grow personally and socially.

The main study limitation is that our conclusions are based on the subjective self-reports of a small number of participants, thereby limiting the generalizability of the findings. In addition, one of the participants was not FGS. Nevertheless, the phenomenological analytic method identifies commonalities among participants. Hence, if her responses were different, they were not included in the themes identified. Future studies can explore FGS experience among a larger sample and include multiple informant groups (e.g., family members, instructors, college administrators). Another limitation is that the study was conducted in a college—as opposed to a university, which in Israel has stricter acceptance criteria and academic demands, such that the cultural and academic gaps can be expected to be even larger. It would be interesting for future studies to draw on the experience of Palestinian Muslim women at Israeli universities. Third, both authors taught the participants during their studies, and although the participants were interviewed upon completion of their degree and their familiarity with the interviewer may have enhanced rapport and openness, it could also have influenced their responses. Finally, the interviews were conducted in Hebrew by a non-Palestinian interviewer, and this may have limited participants’ ability to express themselves fully. In future studies, it is recommended that data collection be conducted by a researcher from the same cultural background as participants.