Introduction

Full-time female teachers make up 51% of the faculty in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), totaling 938,789 individuals, according to data as of August 2021, from the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China. This is a significant increase from September 2013, when women made up 47.28% of full-time HEI teachers (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China 2013). Despite these numerical changes, deep gender disparities persist in China’s academic environment. Their academic rank, leadership positions, and career advancement potential are disproportionately impacted by these gender disparities.

While uniquely influenced by China’s specific social and institutional context, female academics’ experiences resonate with global trends (Yang 2019). Bilimoria et al. (2008) note that women are behind in many important areas, including their educational background, academic titles, mentorship opportunities, and the pace of professional development. Despite having similar professional networks, women receive less recognition and lower returns on their research outputs, reinforcing systemic disparities (Zhu and He 2016; Huang 2017). For instance, female faculty typically hold deputy senior positions until around the age of 40, while males of the same age and qualifications frequently hold full senior positions (Zhao 2020). Persistent underrepresentation in leadership is also evident: studies indicate that only a small fraction of women occupy top-tier administrative roles in Chinese universities (Zhao and Bao 2020; Zhao 2020). Even though some have managed to transition to more central roles in educational institutions, the path was usually full of challenges.

These gender disparities are further compounded by broader societal factors, particularly China’s evolving family planning policies, which significantly impact female faculty’s personal and professional lives. China’s family planning policies have undergone significant changes since the 1980s. The one-child policy, which was implemented in 1980 to prevent population growth, persisted until 2014 when the laws changed to allow two children per family (Xie et al. 2010). The three-child policy was put in place in 2021, effectively removing one-child policy and encouraging larger families, yet resulting in broader social shifts and their complicated relationship with regular values and specialised needs. For academic mothers, finding a balance between their professional and personal lives has been ever more challenging.

Globally, many countries grapple with gender inequality in academia and the influence of family policies on female scholars. In European and American nations, academic mothers often struggle to balance career advancement and family duties. Despite varying social systems and cultural backdrops, these countries share a unified objective: promoting gender equality and supporting the growth of academic mothers. As a pivotal component of the global academic arena, academic mothers in Chinese universities face experiences and challenges that offer critical insights into global academic gender dynamics.

While echoing global trends, Chinese academic mothers’ experiences are distinctly molded by China’s unique socio-cultural and institutional environment, intertwined with local academic norms and gender expectations. To comprehensively examine how academic mothers navigate the three-child policy, this research draws on two key theoretical constructs: “involution” and “lying flat”. These concepts are especially pertinent within China’s highly competitive academic ecosystem, providing a lens to analyze their struggles and coping mechanisms. The study seeks to answer the following questions: (1) What are academic mothers’ current plans for having children? (2) What factors shape these plans? (3) How do they manage the pressures of gender roles, academic demands, and societal norms? A mixed method approach is adopted to gain insights into how they make fertility decisions, what kind of difficulties they have met, how they tackle with them, so that the complex or almost-impossible balance takes place among their conflicting roles in gender, academia, and societal norms.

Involution or lying flat: Chinese universities teachers under academic tournaments

Driven by global educational trends and domestic marketization, China’s academic landscape has undergone significant reforms since the early 2000s, particularly in faculty appointment systems. These reforms, including the adoption of tenure-track frameworks, aimed to address systemic issues such as limited talent mobility, insufficient incentives for educators, and stagnant innovation (Gao and Yang 2022; Liu et al. 2003). For instance, Peking University pioneered a tiered mobility system and performance-based elimination mechanisms in 2003 (Zhang 2003), and by 2020, most top-tier universities had implemented similar structures to incentivize competition and elevate research and teaching standards (Zhang and Wang 2020). While these changes have fostered academic innovation and institutional vitality, they have also introduced challenges, including an overemphasis on quantifiable research outputs at the expense of teaching quality, risks to academic freedom and job security (Gao 2023; Yin 2020), and intense pressure on young faculty to meet stringent performance targets within fixed timelines. Such pressures, compounded by the tenure-track system’s rigid demands, have been linked to heightened anxiety, burnout, and depression among early-career academics (Zhong 2018; Ren et al. 2020), underscoring the uneven impacts of these reforms.

First theorized to describe systems where heightened inputs yield stagnant productivity due to unchanged methods, the concept of “involution” was later adapted by Huang (2002) to critique modern competitive stagnation. In Chinese academia, involution manifests as intense competition for limited resources (e.g., funding, promotions), prioritizing quantifiable outputs like publications over innovation, thereby perpetuating systemic inequities (Huang 2021; Li 2022). This framework critically illuminates the plight of academic mothers, who navigate intersecting pressures from gendered cultural norms, pro-birth policies (e.g., the three-child mandate), and neoliberal academic reforms (Zhang et al. 2024). Involution compels scholars to pursue voluminous yet incremental publications in “core” journals meeting rigid criteria, fostering voluminous yet incremental research (Zhu 2020), while competition for titles and awards exacerbates psychological strain, including burnout and social alienation (Wang 2024). For academic mothers, this reflects a structural paradox: systems demanding academic excellence and maternal devotion simultaneously devalue caregiving labor, intensifying role conflict. The resulting tension underscores the urgent need for institutional reforms that reconcile policy goals with equitable support, addressing both systemic barriers and the cultural ambivalence that undermines women’s agency.

The concept “lying flat”, emerging as a cultural counterpoint to academic involution, describes a withdrawal from hypercompetitive academic environments marked by pessimism, minimalism, and disengagement (Zhang and Shi 2022). Rooted in critiques of systemic inequities and unsustainable pressures, it reflects a self-protective response to systems that prioritize productivity over well-being (Liu and Qin 2025). The self-control resource model explains this phenomenon: prolonged involutionary demands—such as relentless publishing or competition for titles—deplete finite psychological resources, eroding motivation, self-efficacy, and emotional resilience (Wang et al. 2024). When outputs become decoupled from inputs, individuals may develop learned helplessness, resigning to a state of passive disengagement (Liu and Qin 2025). For academic mothers, this dynamic intensifies as cultural expectations of maternal devotion clash with institutional metrics that penalize caregiving labor, rendering “lying flat” both a survival tactic and a critique of systems demanding excellence without support. Thus, “lying flat” transcends apathy, embodying a systemically induced coping mechanism that underscores the interplay between structural inequities and individual agency, revealing how oppressive environments corrode ambition and redefine success.

Many young academics in China adopt “lying flat” as a temporary coping mechanism to navigate the stress and disillusionment stemming from hypercompetitive academic environments (Tong et al. 2024). This strategy allows them to reconcile institutional demands with personal well-being, balancing workplace realities against idealized professional aspirations (Zhang 2023). By meeting minimal requirements while avoiding excessive engagement in resource competition or innovative pursuits, they prioritize emotional resilience over career ambition (Wang 2024; Li 2022). However, recent reforms to China’s academic appointment systems—designed to incentivize excellence—paradoxically amplify pressures, fostering workplace anxiety and dissatisfaction. Within this context, “involution” and “lying flat” epitomize the dualistic nature of Chinese higher education: a system striving for innovation and global competitiveness yet constrained by intensive competition, scarce resources, and unsustainable expectations. These phenomena reveal a tension between institutional aspirations for scholarly superiority and the lived realities of early-career academics, underscoring the need to recalibrate policies to support both productivity and well-being.

One more child or academic advance: Gender norms under China’s three-child policy

China’s transition from the one-child policy to the three-child policy in 2021 has revealed generational disparities in women’s responses to shifting fertility norms. Women born in the 1970s–1980s, influenced by traditional family values emphasizing marriage and motherhood as central to female identity, initially saw suppressed fertility intentions under the one-child policy. However, the 2014 two-child policy prompted a surge in second births, as these cohorts viewed expanded family-building as a means to uphold cultural traditions (Qing and Wen 2024). Academic mothers within this generation initially welcomed the policy shift, buoyed by stable public-sector employment (Gao and Yang 2022). Yet, as their careers advanced and children aged, they grappled with intensifying academic “involution”—hypercompetition for grants, publications, and promotions—alongside escalating caregiving demands, straining their ability to balance productivity and familial roles (Yang et al. 2024).

In contrast, post-1990s academic mothers, raised amid rapid economic reforms and shifting gender norms, increasingly prioritize career ambitions over traditional family expectations. Many delay or forgo childbearing due to the pressures of tenure-track systems, performance evaluations, and evolving perceptions of motherhood (Tan and Ma 2023; Xu 2021). This cohort faces heightened academic precarity, with rigid institutional demands clashing against modern ideals of self-fulfillment (Ren et al. 2020). These generational divides underscore a broader tension between China’s pronatalist policies and its neoliberal academia, which valorizes productivity while offering minimal support for caregiving.

Persistent Confucian norms compound these challenges by framing motherhood as a woman’s primary duty, exacerbating the “motherhood penalty”—reduced career advancement and income post-childbirth—while granting men a “fatherhood premium” (Shen 2020; Xu 2021). This disparity widens with each additional child. Meanwhile, evolving parenting ideals, such as the rise of the “omnipotent mother” archetype demanding intensive child-rearing practices (e.g., extended breastfeeding, academic involvement), amplify pressures on academic mothers. Once-reliable intergenerational childcare models are now critiqued as outdated, leaving mothers with dwindling support systems (Li 2022).

To mitigate these challenges, structural reforms are critical, including flexible work arrangements, subsidized childcare, and institutional recognition of caregiving labor to reconcile academic productivity with equitable family policies. Equally vital are cultural shifts to dismantle gendered parenting norms and redistribute domestic responsibilities (Yang 2019; Zhao 2020). Without such interventions, China’s three-child policy risks deepening inequalities, leaving academic mothers to navigate an unsustainable duality of professional ambition and societal expectation.

Methodology

Context

This study examines the challenges faced by academic mothers in China, particularly those born in the 1970s and 1980s, amid shifting fertility policies and a pervasive culture of academic involution. These women navigate competing pressures from professional demands, parenting responsibilities, and socio-cultural expectations. Chinese academic mothers often grapple with balancing career and family roles. Traditional norms emphasizing maternal involvement in child-rearing have entrenched expectations for mothers to be ever-present and efficient in caregiving. A decline in communal support systems, such as socialized nurseries and intergenerational care, further exacerbates these pressures (Cycyk and Hammer 2020; Shangguan et al. 2024; Yue and Fan 2020). Juggling academic productivity with intensive parenting norms exacerbates role strain.

The 1970s cohort entered adulthood during China’s early reform era, initially experiencing limited educational and career opportunities that gradually expanded (Yang et al. 2023; Xu 2021; Tong and Chen 2019). This group balances realism and idealism, striving to align personal aspirations with societal obligations. However, they face pronounced role conflicts due to generational gaps in values and evolving workplace expectations. In contrast, the 1980s generation, beneficiaries of broader post-reform opportunities, confronts fiercer academic competition (Tong and Chen 2019). While more self-assured and proactive in managing work-family dynamics, they bear the burden of the “four-two-one” family structure—a couple supporting four aging parents and one child—amplifying caregiving demands (Zheng 2019; Chen 2012; Guo and Qi 2008; Qi and Guo 2007).

Involution culture demands dual excellence in career advancement and intensive ‘high-quality’ child-rearing, significantly increasing financial and opportunity costs. Beyond maintaining scholarly prominence, they face societal pressure to deliver “high-quality” child-rearing—a standard that heightens financial, temporal, and opportunity costs. The China Fertility Cost Report 2024 estimates that raising a child from birth to age 17 costs families an average of 538,000 yuan (≈74,000USD), rising to 680,000yuan (≈74,000USD), rising to 680,000yuan (≈94,000 USD) through undergraduate education (Liang et al. 2024). These figures encompass direct expenses (e.g., education, healthcare) and indirect costs, such as reduced paid working hours—studies show mothers’ labor participation drops sharply before a child turns four, exacerbating career-family tensions.

Chinese academic mothers, especially those from the 1970s and 1980s, face numerous challenges in changing fertility policies and expanding involution culture. They grapple with the academic tournament, parenting cost, and motherhood-related time and opportunity costs. To alleviate their burdens and enhance gender equality, political and social support and understanding are essential for them to balance career and family responsibilities.

Research design

In this study, a mixed-method approach was used to gain a comprehensive understanding of the experiences of academic mothers in China. The quantitative research primarily draws on the framework of work-family balance, incorporating theories from intersectional feminism. It mainly aims to do an exploratory survey covering the major issues relating to the research topic. Quantitative data identify broad trends and patterns in fertility intentions and academic disruptions, as well as the factors influencing these dynamics. However, it cannot capture the nuanced experiences of academic mothers. Qualitative interviews, therefore, offer deeper insights into how these women navigate the competing demands of academia and motherhood, providing a richer, contextualized understanding of their decision-making processes.

The methodology is designed to first use quantitative data to identify directions for follow-up qualitative research. Online semi-open questionnaires and in-depth interviews (both online and in person) were conducted. The quantitative study aimed to understand common issues raised by global research on academic motherhood. To provide a more thorough analysis of the problems the study examined various elements including planned pregnancies, perceived effect of procreation on academic careers, and factors influencing academic mothers’ transition.

The qualitative analysis innovatively interprets the findings through the lens of “involution” and “lying flat” culture. It primarily draws on several established scales that assess the work-family status and satisfaction levels of career women. These scales provide a foundational understanding of the current situation, thereby supporting the selection of interviewees and guiding the thematic focus for the crucial qualitative interviews. Based on the quantitative findings, a subset of 10 participants was selected for in-depth interviews. These participants were chosen to reflect a range of fertility intentions, academic statuses, and family structures, ensuring a diverse and representative sample. All interviewees were married mothers with at least one child, aged between 40 and 50, and employed as full-time faculty in Chinese universities.

Participant selection and sampling strategy

The study was conducted in two phases: quantitative and qualitative. In quantitative phase, a two-pronged approach was adopted for sample recruitment, similar to practices in existing academic research (McCutcheon 2016). Over a three-month period, we sent research invitations via email first to female faculty members across universities in China who met the age criteria. These invitations were initially sent by the research team to department heads or administrative staff at relevant universities, who then forwarded them to eligible female faculty members. We also distributed research invitations through academic conferences, professional association mailing lists, and social networks (e.g. university faculty groups, research collaboration networks) to expand the sample coverage. This approach not only enhanced the diversity of the participants but also ensured the representativeness of the sample within the target population. A purposeful sample of 190 female faculty members was selected, with a focus on those born in the 1970s and 1980s, as they have been most directly affected by China’s evolving fertility policies. Of the 190 participants, 160 were mothers, and 30 were non-mothers. The sample was intentionally limited in size to allow for a more targeted and efficient analysis, which would then guide the qualitative phase.

The survey measured key variables such as fertility intentions, perceived impact of childbirth on academic careers, and factors influencing the transition from fertility-related disruptions to academic normalcy. These variables were operationalized through Likert-scale questions, multiple-choice items, and open-ended questions. With limited survey size intentionally, it’s efficient to identify major issues for guiding our in-depth interviews. Two education experts rigorously evaluated the validity and clarity of the questionnaire, drawing on their professional expertise. They provided targeted feedback to address ambiguities, refine language use, and improve the overall appropriateness of the items. Subsequent revisions were made to the questionnaire, incorporating their recommendations to enhance its coherence and alignment with research objectives.

In qualitative phase, quantitative data informed strategic sampling for in-depth interviews, ensuring a diverse and representative group that reflects varying fertility intentions, academic statuses, and personalised attitudes and experiences in dealing with fertility-related disruptions to academic development. A subset of 10 participants was selected for the interviews as detailed in Table 1 below. All of them were married mothers with at least one child, aged between 40 and 50, and employed as full-time faculty in Chinese universities. This strategic sampling ensured that the qualitative phase would provide rich, detailed insights into the experiences of academic mothers. Semi-structured interviews were conducted both online and in person. Interviews lasted between 60 and 90 min and were audio-recorded and transcribed for analysis.

Table 1 Information of interview participants.
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All participants are anonymous. In addition, we are fully aware of the ethical importance of the research. The study has been approved by the ethics committee of the affiliated institution. During the survey and interview processes, this study ensures that all participants are fully informed about the purpose, methods, and potential risks of the research, and obtain their informed consent on a voluntary basis. For the interview component, participants are explicitly informed that the content will be recorded and documented. Their privacy is rigorously protected, and personal information and data collected throughout the study are kept strictly confidential.

The qualitative data underwent thematic analysis using Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step framework to identify and validate key themes. The process began with familiarization, involving repeated immersion in the transcripts to deeply understand participant perspectives. Next, initial coding systematically highlighted recurring phrases and concepts, which were then synthesized into broader themes during theme development—including patterns such as “work-family conflict,” “lying flat as a coping mechanism,” and “institutional support needs.” These themes underwent rigorous review and refinement to ensure alignment with the dataset, followed by clear definitions of each theme supported by illustrative participant quotes. To strengthen reliability, validation involved dual independent researcher cross-checks to resolve discrepancies through consensus, complemented by member checking with select participants to confirm the accuracy and relevance of the interpreted themes.

Results

Analysis of quantitative data

Fertility intentions of women academics in China

The study surveyed 190 female academics in China, including 169 mothers and 21 non-mothers. Academic mothers exhibited significantly higher fertility intentions (75.8%, *p*<0.001) than the general population (32.7%). However, post-policy third-child intentions plummeted to 2.4% (*p*<0.001 vs. national 28.1%), suggesting childbirth exacerbates career tensions.

Perceived fertility-career correlations

As shown in Table 2, among academic mothers, 87% (147/169) perceived fertility as impacting their careers (χ²=92.456, *p*<0.001). Longitudinal analyses revealed divergent temporal effects:

Table 2 Regression Analysis of Fertility Disruption Duration.
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Short-term disruptions (37.4%) correlated with institutional support (β = −0.651, *p*<0.001) and parental assistance (β = −0.286, *p*<0.01).

Long-term disruptions (62.6%) showed broader influences, with social welfare (β = −0.387, *p*<0.01) augmenting institutional (β = −0.297, *p*<0.001) and familial (β = −0.273, *p*<0.05) factors.

Logistic regression analysis of perceived fertility-academic performance

As illustrated in Table 3, logistic regression analysis was employed to examine the influence of personal competence, family assistance, workload intensity, and caregiving equity on academic mothers’ perceptions of the association between fertility and academic performance. The model demonstrated strong statistical significance (p < 0.001), accounting for 89.7% of the variance in perceived fertility-academic correlations (Nagelkerke R2). Results revealed that a one-unit increase in personal competence was associated with an 87.1% reduction in the likelihood of viewing fertility as negatively correlated with academic performance (p < 0.001). Similarly, family assistance, esp. support from grandparents, showed a pronounced effect, corresponding to a 94.1% decrease in perceived negative associations (p < 0.001), underscoring the critical role of famiy support aligned with Chinese norms of multigenerational culture. Caregiving equity also exhibited a significant inverse relationship with perceived fertility-academic conflicts, with each unit increase reducing the likelihood of such associations by 80.1% (p < 0.001). In contrast, workload intensity showed no statistically significant impact on these perceptions (p > 0.05), suggesting that time demands alone may not inherently shape academic mothers’ views on fertility-related challenges.

Table 3 Logistic Regression of Factors Shaping Fertility-Academic Performance correlation in Academic Mothers.
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Academic ramifications of fertility

As detailed in Table 4, fertility was perceived by academic mothers (n = 147) to correlate with disruptions across multiple dimensions of academic life. The most frequently cited impact was on project and journal paper writing progress, reported by 73 respondents (49.7% of the sample), suggesting that childbirth and caregiving often hinder sustained research productivity. Furthermore, over one-third of participants (36.1%) identified a perceived negative association between fertility and professional title promotions, reflecting systemic barriers in career advancement. In contrast, fewer respondents linked fertility to challenges in securing research funding (8.2%) or employment evaluations (6.1%), indicating weaker perceived correlations with these institutional metrics. These findings underscore the disproportionate influence of fertility on long-term academic outputs, such as publications and promotions, compared to shorter-term evaluative processes.

Table 4 Frequency Distribution in Perceived Academic Impacts of Fertility.
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Relationship between academic trajectory and fertility

To assess the relationship between academic mothers’ career progression and fertility, this study evaluated their academic status as rising, stable, or stagnant, alongside fertility-related variables such as parity (number of children) and the age of the youngest child. As shown in Table 5, the ordered logistic regression model achieved strong statistical significance (p < 0.001) and satisfied the parallel lines assumption, confirming model robustness. Key findings revealed that mothers with one child were 6.314 times more likely to occupy a higher academic status tier compared to those with three or more children, highlighting the cumulative time and energy demands of larger families on scholarly productivity. Conversely, the age of the youngest child showed no significant association with academic status, suggesting that caregiving responsibilities—whether for infants requiring constant attention or older children needing academic guidance—consistently compete with academic pursuits.

Table 5 Ordered Logistic Regression of Fertility-Related Predictors and Academic Status Trajectories.
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Factors correlating transitioning from fertility-related disruption to academic normalcy

Regression analyses were conducted to identify factors influencing academic mothers’ ability to transition from fertility-related career disruptions to sustained academic productivity. The study evaluated the roles of social welfare, institutional support, and family assistance in mediating this process. As shown in Table 6, social welfare exhibited a robust positive correlation with accelerated reintegration into academic normalcy (p < 0.001), suggesting that robust social equity initiatives significantly shorten recovery periods post-childbirth. Similarly, institutional support—such as flexible work policies—correlated strongly with smoother transitions, likely by alleviating caregiving-related stressors. Family assistance emerged as a critical predictor, with equitable domestic responsibilities enabling mothers to reallocate time and energy toward scholarly activities. These findings indicate the interplay of organizational culture and household dynamics in mitigating fertility-related academic disruptions.

Table 6 Regression analysis of factors mediating academic disruption.
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Analysis of qualitative data

Fertility dynamics: the intersections of policy change and motherhood

China’s three-child policy, addressing an aging population and declining birth rates, brings new concerns for academic mothers. This policy shift presents both challenges and opportunities, particularly within academia where career progression and family planning are closely intertwined. The quantitative survey revealed that academic mothers have higher fertility intentions (75.8%) compared to the general population (32.7%), but their willingness to have a third child is significantly lower (2.4%). This suggests that while academic mothers may desire larger families, the pressures of academia and the challenges of balancing work and family life act as significant barriers. Meanwhile, interviews with academic mothers confirmed these findings, with many participants expressing a desire for more children but feeling constrained by their academic responsibilities. Junior faculty, in particular, face the challenge of balancing the decision to have additional children with the pressures of publishing and securing tenure. The timeline for achieving career milestones often conflicts with the optimal biological timeline for childbearing, highlighting a significant tension between academic advancement and family development.

Academic mothers’ fertility decisions result from a complex interplay of personal desires, professional goals, and policy influences. This study revealed a range of cognitive approaches–visual-driven, pragmatic trade-offs and environmental responses, reflecting the independence, practicality and adaptability of academic mothers when making decisions related to fertility. Their decisions are not only reactive to the new policy but also are proactive engagements with their personal and professional aspirations, offering valuable insights into the complex interplay between fertility and academic life.

Some academic mothers exhibited a vision-driven approach to fertility decisions. They took a strategic approach where the policy served as a facilitator rather than a determinant of their family planning by properly managing their fertility decisions with long-term family and career goals. For instance, Teacher Y emphasised that “When considering my family’s future, I take a holistic view that includes our long-term well-being and happiness. My decisions are rooted in what’s best for us, rather than being solely influenced by current policy incentives. The policy provides flexibility, but it’s my plans and family situation that truly guide my choices.” Similarly, Teacher J noted, “I have a clear plan for my career and family life,” underscoring the importance of aligning policy opportunities with pre-existing life blueprints. She adds explicitly: “The new policy offers more possibilities, but it’s not the main factor in my options. It’s important to me to make decisions that are in line with both my personal and professional goals.”

Conversely, pragmatic trade-off cognition is characterised by a more utilitarian approach, where academic mothers meticulously balance the practical implications of having more children against their academic career progression. This group is more susceptible to the temporal demands of research, publication, and tenure compared with the biological timeline for childbearing. Teacher G’s decision not to have a second child based on her “personal well-being and family situation,” reflects a careful weighing of costs and benefits that is characteristic of this group. She further explained that: “I weighed the potential effects on my work against the private gains when I decided not to own a second child. I took my physical condition, the needs of my existing child, and the support system available to us into consideration. It was a difficult decision, but one that I made with a clear understanding of the costs and benefits.” It indicated a utilitarian consideration of fertility choices in light of career milestones and family dynamics.

Academic mothers with environmental response cognition exhibit a high level of adaptability, adjusting their fertility plans in response to policy changes and social cues. They are adept at using policy flexibility to explore additional childbearing options without being constrained. Teacher M viewed the policy change as “an additional choice for us, but not a decisive factor,” demonstrating an adaptive approach that used policy as a catalyst for exploring new possibilities. She added, “We now have more options because of the change in policy, but it’s not the only factor in our decision-making process. We view it as an additional option that we can consider within the broader context of our family planning and career development.”

Scholarly femininity: the choice between involution and lying flat in the academic tournament

The three-child policy has added complexity for academic mothers, particularly within the context of involution and the emerging trend of lying flat. The survey revealed that academic mothers are particularly vulnerable to involution, with 62.59% reporting long-term fertility-related academic disruptions and 34.0% citing stalled promotions (Table 4). However, logistic regression models indicated that mothers lacking personal competence or family support were significantly more likely to perceive fertility-academic conflicts (p < 0.001), suggesting disengagement strategies like ‘lying flat’ may emerge as survival tools. Interviews with academic mothers who had chosen to lie flat provided valuable insights into this phenomenon, suggesting it can be a viable coping mechanism for academic mothers, particularly in the face of intense academic pressures. This part delves into three key issues that have emerged from the interviews with academic mothers, providing a nuanced understanding of how they navigate these challenges.

The first issue is the work-family conflict, which is exacerbated by the pressure to excel in an academic environment. The narratives from the interviews paint a complex picture of the choices and challenges faced by academic mothers in China. They highlighted the necessity for a more nuanced approach to academic career progression that acknowledges the multifaceted roles of women in higher education, as well as the need for a supportive environment that values both professional and personal fulfillment. The interviews revealed that many academic mothers feel caught between their careers demands and motherhood responsibilities. Teacher J expressed that “It’s hard for me to think about having more children because that the pressure to publish, secure financing, and excel in my company often leaves me with little time and energy for my family.” It underscored even with the policy’s encouragement, the reality that the relentless pursuit of academic success can be a major barrier to family development. Meanwhile, there is a rising conscience of shift. “More and more women faculty are speaking up about the need for change, for better support systems that don’t force us to choose between being a good mother and a good scholar.” says Teacher P.

Second choosing to lie flat as a tool against involution pressures. Some academic mothers have chosen to prioritise their well-being and family life over the relentless pursuit of professional honors. Teacher Y directly stated that “I’ve decided to lie flat, to step back from the constant competition and focus on what truly matters to me—my family and my own happiness.” This decision reflects a growing trend among academic mothers to reassess the value of traditional success metrics in favor of a more balanced and fulfilling life. Most of the interviewed teachers expressed their constantly doubt and even wonders of its worthfulness. But they all see the impact of academic work. For instance, Teacher Z responded that “There’s a lot of talk about ‘lying flat’, but for many of us, it’s not a choice. We have to keep going, keep pushing, because the expectations are so high.”

The third issue is the need for institutional support and policy change to alleviate the pressures. The interviews all advocated the need for systemic support within academic institutions. Flexible working conditions, extended maternity leaves, and on-campus childcare were frequently cited as measures that could significantly alleviate the pressures faced by academic mothers. Academic mothers are urging important changes that can recognise and address the unique challenges, and further promote professional and personal achievement. For example, Teacher M stated that “The idea of ‘lying flat’ appeals to me, but the reality is, the system is set up in a way that rewards those who push forward, not those who step back.”

The interviews with academic mothers have shed light on the intricate dynamics of involution and the decision to lie flat within the context of the three-child policy. The issues of work-family conflict, the choice to prioritise well-being over competition, and the need for institutional support are central to understanding the experiences of academic mothers. These insights express the importance of creating a more supportive and flexible academic environment that values both professional achievement and personal fulfillment. By integrating these voices into discussion, the academic community should begin to address the systemic issues that contribute to involution and the appeal of “lying flat,” ultimately fostering an environment that supports the diverse needs and aspirations of academic mothers. In addressing these issues, higher education institutions can foster a more inclusive and sustainable ecosystem for academic mothers to make the balance and progress.

Maternal paradox: juggling pride and anxiety within the all-round mom archetype

The ideal of the ‘all-round mom’ places academic mothers under intense scrutiny, expecting them to excel in both their professional and personal lives (Wang et al. 2023). The ‘halo effect’ surrounding academic mothers—where professional achievements amplify societal expectations of flawless caregiving—is quantified by striking contrasts in the our survey data. It thus operates paradoxically: public celebration of academic mothers’ accomplishments amplifies scrutiny, transforming pride into a conduit for anxiety as they strain to uphold unattainable ideals.

Interviews indicated most experience considerable stress meeting these dual expectations. “There’s an unspoken rule that as a mother and an academic, you should be doing both exceptionally well, and that’s incredibly stressful. I feel like I’m constantly being judged on my ability to balance these two roles, and it’s exhausting.” says Teacher C. Those who chose to have more than one children but still in academically junior positions face even more challenges, in that they are still establishing their careers while managing fully extended family issues.

The halo effect leads to psychological strain. For senior faculty members, the pride in their multifaceted roles can boost self-esteem and professional recognition, while it also breeds anxiety as they strive to meet exceedingly high standards. Teacher L indicated that “There’s a sense of pride in being able to manage both a successful career and a happy family, but it also comes with a constant fear of not being able to maintain this balance.” This is a typical impact, where the pressure to uphold the all-round mom archetype can lead to chronic stress and burnout. Teacher G compared this pressure to a treadmill that keeps accelerating, which severely affects mental health.

In China, close intergenerational ties—a cultural cornerstone—substantially reduce caregiving burdens for academic mothers. Quantitative findings supports this dynamic, which aligns with qualitative studies, highlighting grandparents’ pivotal role in enabling mothers to sustain scholarly productivity. Grandparents’ involvement, whether caring for infants or school-age children, consistently buffers caregiving demands. These metrics affirm that intergenerational solidarity, deeply embedded in Chinese familial norms, transforms cultural capital into tangible academic resilience. In our interview, Teacher Z felt deeply grateful for this by saying “If without the support from parents of both sides, we might not be so decisive in having a second child.” However, these intergenerational ties also come with drawbacks. The expectations and pressures from older generations can add to the stress of academic mothers. For example, grandparents may have traditional views on parenting and career roles, which can conflict with the mothers’ professional ambitions and modern parenting approaches (Huang 2021). Teacher M stated, “My mother-in-law helps, but she also has different parenting views, which sometimes conflict with my own beliefs. It’s a delicate balance trying to respect her input while also insisting on my own.” Furthermore, the reliance on extended family support can sometimes lead to feelings of guilt or inadequacy, as academic mothers may feel they are not fulfilling their roles independently. Teacher J says “I appreciate the support from my family, but there’s a part of me that feels guilty for not being able to do it all on my own. I sometimes feel like I’m not a ‘real’ mother because I rely so heavily on others.”

Almost all academic mothers emphasised the need for institutional support, including flexible work arrangements, extended maternity leave, and on-campus childcare facilities. For example, Teacher B said, “If universities provided better support, like childcare facilities and flexible working hours, it would make a huge difference in easing the pressures.” This quote emphasised the importance of institutional support in helping academic mothers navigate the maternal paradox and uphold the all-round mom archetype without compromising their well-being.

Discussion

Within the context of the three-child policy, the study critically analyses Chinese academic mothers’ experiences at the intersection of gender, academia, and society. While their struggles—like balancing research and childcare—mirror global trends of women in academia (Bao and Wang 2022; Hillier 2023), their reality is uniquely shaped by China’s cultural and institutional landscape. Traditional norms, such as relying on grandparents for childcare, together with modern pressures like “involution”—the relentless competition to outperform peers—and “lying flat”—strategically opting out of societal competition. These mothers aren’t just battling universal workplace inequalities; they’re also navigating China’s rigid academic hierarchies and deep-rooted gender expectations. The findings reveal how they adapt: leaning on intergenerational support, redefining success, or quietly resisting systems that equate productivity with self-sacrifice. Their experiences expose gaps in policies and workplace cultures, urging institutions to better support academic mothers. Globally, their stories highlight a shared truth: gender equity in academia isn’t just about individual resilience—it’s about dismantling systems that still treat motherhood as a hurdle rather than a dimension of diversity.

Fertility, academia, and cultural norms

This study reveals how Chinese academic mothers navigate the three-child policy within a landscape shaped by Confucian caregiving norms, institutional rigidity, and the paradox of “involution” (relentless academic competition). While their struggles with work-family balance mirror global trends (Bao and Wang 2022; Hillier 2023), China’s unique socio-cultural context amplifies these challenges. The interplay of policy, culture, and academia creates a dual burden: academic mothers are celebrated for their resilience yet penalized for caregiving through stalled promotions and publication delays. This aligns with findings on the “maternal wall” but diverges in its entanglement with state policy. Chinese mothers contend with state-driven fertility mandates and multigenerational caregiving paradox. Most academic mothers expressed fertility intentions—higher than the general population, yet only a very smalll number of them planned additional children even with policy promotion (Huang and Fan 2023; Shi and Han 2023). This stark decline suggests systemic barriers in the Chinese context, such as tenure timelines conflicting with biological clocks and societal expectations to excel as “all-round moms” (Wang et al. 2023).

Cultural nuances and coping mechanisms

Chinese academic mothers navigate a complex interplay of cultural traditions and modern institutional demands, where intergenerational solidarity emerges as both a lifeline and a source of tension. Grandparents’ pivotal role in childcare, deeply rooted in Confucian familial norms (Huang 2021), offers critical support yet often sparks generational clashes over parenting philosophies—a dynamic absent in Western contexts reliant on institutionalized childcare systems. Amidst these pressures, some adopt “lying flat” as a potential form of silent resistance, diverging sharply from Western models of advocacy and prioritizing well-being over relentless academic competition. This gendered coping mechanism reflects a nuanced negotiation of societal expectations, distinct yet resonant with regional trends. Further complicating this landscape is the paradox of China’s three-child policy, which, despite its pronatalist goals, clashes with institutional inflexibility—unlike the success in aligning policy with structural support in other countries. Together, these insights highlight the urgent need for reforms that integrate cultural resilience with systemic adaptability, ensuring academic mothers thrive without sacrificing familial or academic aspirations.

Work-family dynamics and cross-cultural insights

The experiences of academic mothers in China reveal both contrasts and parallels with global counterparts, offering insights into how cultural and institutional frameworks shape work-family dynamics. While China’s state-mandated three-child policy intertwines with Confucian caregiving expectations, other contexts like Sweden emphasize voluntary parenthood bolstered by institutional childcare—a divergence that underscores the role of policy in framing fertility choices. Career barriers further illustrate this divide: Chinese mothers grapple with involution and rigid promotion systems that penalize parenthood, whereas other academics, esp. in Western culture, face tokenism and the pervasive “motherhood penalty” (Acker, 1983). Support systems also differ markedly, with China’s reliance on grandparental solidarity offsetting limited institutional aid, contrasting with Canada’s employer-subsidized childcare models. Yet, coping strategies highlight a shared ingenuity: Chinese mothers adopt “lying flat” and familial negotiation to navigate pressures, while other counterparts, like those in the United States mobilize advocacy movements like #MarchForMoms. Despite these differences, both contexts addressing work-family conflicts, revealing a universal tension between productivity and caregiving. China’s unique policy-cultural duality—state pronatalism clashing with institutional inflexibility—mirrors gaps in intergenerational support in other cultures, suggesting that holistic solutions demand blending cultural resilience with structural reforms. By learning from global successes, China can reimagine its approach, transforming systemic contradictions into synergies that empower academic mothers to thrive.

Empowerment and a sustainable future

The study shows how Chinese academic mothers’ family values and support systems have changed. The preservation and innovation of traditional models support the adaptability and resilience of these women, suggesting that institutions and relevant departments can and should change in response to meet the changing demands. Their professional roles provide energy and motivation, reinforcing their devotion to their careers. It turns out that academic success and motherhood are not mutually exclusive, and that institutions should celebrate and support the dual roles of their faculty members (Tsouroufli 2020; Fulweiler et al. 2021; Miller and Riley 2022). It may include offering flexible working hours, remote work options, and comprehensive parental leave policies.

In the lives of Chinese academic mothers, the empowerment derived from academic work and identity is a critical factor (Song et al. 2021; Dickson 2020; Yang 2019). Their professional roles challenge the traditional idea that motherhood and academic success are mutually exclusive, dispelling the misconception that they must choose between professional and personal lives. Instead, it highlights the importance of creating an academic environment that supports and celebrates their dual roles as both professionals and caregivers. The study advocates for the active engagement of academic mothers in three-child policy discussion. It’s important to listen to their experiences and needs to develop diverse support mechanisms. The approach not only respects academic mothers’ right but also regards them as key stakeholders in shaping the future of academia and family life in China. In this way, academic institutions can ensure that their policies are informed by the lived experiences of those they are designed to support. It can lead to more effective and responsive policies that truly meet their needs and contribute to a more inclusive and supportive academic environment.

Conclusion

As China’s family planning policies continue to evolve, academic mothers’ voices matter for them to participate in and impact policy changes on their lives and careers. Through a mixed-method approach, the complex ways in which gender, family planning policies, and academic pressures intersect to shape their careers and lives have been discovered.

The quantitative findings reveal that academic mothers in universities have significantly higher fertility intentions than the general population, yet their willingness to have a third child is notably lower. Fertility has a substantial impact on the academic careers of these women, with the duration of this impact being inversely correlated with departmental recognition, family support, and social security. Specifically, the tangible effects of fertility on academic work are primarily seen in project and paper progress as well as professional title promotion. The number of children is negatively associated with academic status; female academics with only one child tend to have a higher academic standing, while the age of the youngest child shows no significant impact on academic status. The findings challenge the convention that the increasing number of children necessarily hinders female academic performance or ambition. Instead, it reveals the resilience and agency of academic mothers as they navigate a landscape marked by both traditional expectations and professional demands. Rather than attributing inequality solely to family size, our data indicate the lack of support for dual roles is a primary driver of disparities. In the transition from fertility-related disruptions to academic normalcy, social security, welfare benefits, and work-life balance emerge as key factors.

Qualitative research reveals that the fertility decisions of female faculty are shaped by a combination of personal career plans, family circumstances, and policy changes. Some faculty members adopt goal-oriented approaches, integrating fertility plans with long-term career objectives. Others engage in pragmatic trade-offs, seeking balance between career advancement and childbearing. Considering the phenomenon of “involution” and the response of “lying flat” among academic mothers, it can be clearly seen that these women are not merely passive victims of a competitive system but active people seeking solutions. In this context, it is essential to create a more supportive and flexible academic environment that values both professional achievement and personal fulfillment. The pressure to excel in both academia and motherhood creates a paradoxical situation for them, where they are simultaneously celebrated but constrained by societal expectations. Besides, the “halo effect” places additional burdens on them, as they are caught between career demands and parenthood responsibilities. The recognition of their achievements is overshadowed by the pressure to maintain high standards, leading to lasting stress and burnout.

Additionally, the study also highlights the need for a more in-depth understanding of the diverse conditions of academic women. Given the intersection of gender, and academic pressure, a multifaceted approach is necessary to deal with inequality. There is a clear need for institutional reforms that promote gender equity, including flexible work arrangements, enhanced childcare support, and changes in societal attitudes toward parenting roles. Universities should also enhance childcare support by establishing on-campus childcare facilities and providing childcare subsidies to offset costs. Extended maternity and parental leave policies, including comprehensive maternity leave and encouragement of paternal involvement through parental leave, are essential for reducing the burden on academic mothers. Specifically, universities could offer a minimum of 12 weeks of fully paid maternity leave, with the option to extend up to 6 months at partial pay. This would provide academic mothers with sufficient time to recover and bond with their newborns while ensuring job security. Universities can also enhance workplace flexibility by introducing AI-assisted remote teaching and online course design, enabling academic mothers to arrange their work schedules and locations more flexibly.

Moreover, hourly-based temporary childcare services and holiday childcare programs are encouraged to meet the needs of academic mothers on special workdays or during academic breaks. By collaborating with local childcare providers to share resources and establishing an information platform to provide details on childcare services, universities can offer more comprehensive and flexible childcare support, helping academic mothers better balance their professional and family responsibilities. Additionally, a phased return-to-work program could allow mothers to gradually resume their duties, easing the transition back to full-time work. In terms of tenure-track requirements, universities should consider extending the tenure clock for academic mothers, providing additional time to meet tenure requirements without penalty. Universities can offer mentorship programs and professional development opportunities tailored to academic mothers, as well as promote a family-friendly culture through reduced teaching loads, flexible deadlines, and wellness programs. By adopting these measures, universities can create a more inclusive and supportive environment that fosters the career advancement and well-being of academic mothers. By integrating the voices of academic mothers into policy and organizational decisions, a more inclusive and sustainable ecosystem for academic mothers can be created.

In terms of theoretical development, this study makes significant contributions. Through the gender perspective in the academic field of China, the concepts of “involution” and “lying flat” have been re-interpreted. In traditional cognition, “involution” is often regarded as a general state of competitive pressure. However, this study has found that among female academics, it is not only reflected in the fierce academic competition but also in the tremendous pressure that academic mothers face when balancing their career development and family responsibilities. While pursuing academic achievements, they also have to meet the high expectations of society for the role of mothers. This dual pressure has led to the intensification of the “involution” phenomenon among them. Moreover, “lying flat” is no longer just a passive coping strategy. For some academic mothers, it is a proactive choice made to maintain their physical and mental health and family harmony when facing excessive academic pressure and family burdens. This re-interpretation enriches the connotations of the concepts of “involution” and “lying flat”, providing a new theoretical perspective for understanding gender inequality in the academic environment and women’s coping strategies.

In conclusion, the study has injected new research materials into disciplines of humanities and social sciences. It deepens understanding of the relationship between family and career, enriches the research related to social roles and gender differences, and further optimises the academic environment. It also calls for a readjustment of traditional support structures and a recognition of the diverse needs and contributions of academic mothers, and further to create a more equitable academic environment that supports needs and aspirations of all its members.

Limitations and future directions of the study

While this study has shed light on the fertility intentions and conditions among academic mothers in China, it still has notable limitations that point to several promising directions for future research. First, the integration of qualitative and quantitative methodologies requires deeper exploration. Additionally, the qualitative sample size (n = 10) limits generalizability of themes, and self-reported survey data may carry social desirability bias, and our focus on 1970s–1980s cohorts excludes younger faculty facing distinct pressures. Future studies should actively explore how these two approaches can complement each other by strategically combining in-depth interviews, surveys, and longitudinal data analysis. This mixed-method approach would provide a more nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between personal desires, institutional pressures, and socio-cultural influences on fertility intentions among female faculty. Second, research on Chinese academic mothers currently lacks a robust theoretical framework, which encourages future work to develop a more refined theoretical system that incorporates China’s unique socio-cultural dynamics and academic environment. By doing so, researchers can better identify the specific factors—such as gender norms, academic career structures, and family support systems—that shape fertility intentions among this group, as well as the underlying mechanisms through which these factors operate. Moreover, the current research focus on domestic contexts has left a gap in understanding the global landscape of challenges faced by academic mothers. Future studies should engage in more rigorous international comparisons, identifying common themes and divergences in fertility intentions across different countries. This comparative approach would not only highlight the unique aspects of Chinese academic mothers’ experiences but also provide actionable insights for policymakers seeking to develop context-specific and evidence-based policies. Meanwhile, regional disparities in policy implementation and childcare access will also be addressed. Lastly, with the ongoing adjustments to fertility policies, the fertility intentions and related needs of female faculty are also evolving. Future research should flexibly advance policy recommendations within the broader policy framework, better adapting to the new challenges and opportunities brought about by policy changes, and providing stronger support for academic mothers.