Social media, personalization, ordinariness

Political communication evolves based on changes in the communication landscape. In the third -and still evolving- age of political communication marked by (digital) media abundance, political communication is influenced—among others—by “intensified professionalizing imperatives, increased competitive pressures, and changes in how people perceive politics” (Blumler and Kavanagh, 1999: 209).

As a result of the need for constant and positive publicity under the rationale of “permanent campaigning” (Koliastasis, 2022; Moir, 2023: 3), politicians around the world have increasingly sought to capitalize on the new opportunities offered by Web 2.0 applications and they embarked on new campaigning strategies, new modes of fundraising, mobilization and information gathering (Poulakidakos and Veneti, 2016; Medina-Serrano, 2021). Studies focusing on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram have shown that these platforms serve as channels through which politicians promote the “best aspects of their personality” to the electorate (Avedissian, 2016; Jung et al., 2017: 2195), employing either text-centric (Poulakidakos and Veneti, 2016; Ekman and Widholm, 2017: 16) or visual communication strategies (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019; Poulakidakos and Koutsikos, 2023). Within the new media environment, personified political propaganda found a new field of development, as SMPs are “designed to facilitate direct communication between the message sender (politician) and the receiver (citizen) and vice versa” (van Santen and van Zoonen, 2010: 65), bypassing journalist interventions (Olsson 2017: 100; Enli and Rosenberg, 2018).

According to the relevant research, SMPs focus public attention on the personal aspects of the politician, enhancing personification and privatization of their communication characteristics. Therefore, the communication practices of politicians on SMPs should be approached in the context of the interconnection of their communication strategy with popular culture and the culture of celebrity (Ekman and Widholm, 2017: 18). Thus, politics has become pop politics: Extreme mediatization demands politicians to imitate celebrities in order to become celebrities themselves (Cervi et al. 2023: 203).

Political personalization describes a process in which “individual political personalities have become more significant than parties and any other political collectivities” (Karvonen, 2010: 4). Nowadays, political parties strategically choose to promote their political agenda through candidates who are popular personalities in their electoral regions (McAllister, 2007: 580). As a result, candidates strive to promote an image of themselves that satisfies (prospective) voters’ expectations.

Previous research has shown that social‐media‐based visual political communication is inseparable from personalization as a persuasive strategy (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019). This trend allows politicians to show more personal lifestyle issues as part of a process of humanizing candidates, which has led to increased citizen identification and decreased psychological distance between politicians and potential voters (Zamora‐Medina et al. 2023: 220).

Van Aelst et al. (2011: 206, 214) argue that media personalization consists of two dimensions: “individualization,” where politicians are the focus of media coverage while parties and governmental institutions become less important, and “privatization” which denotes a shift in media focus from the politician as a public figure to the politician as a private individual, separate from their public role. In the same vein, Langer (2010: 61) speaks of the “politicization of private persona”, referring to the increasing importance of “leaders as individuals, as human beings, and not as political actors”.

According to these theories, scholars distinguish between two specific dimensions of personalization: “hard” - focusing on professional aspects such as political personalities over parties, and “soft” - emphasizing personal/private life achievements and personality, which seem to play a significant role in voters’ evaluation of political performance (Bjerling, 2012: 45; Holtz-Bacha et al. 2014: 156).

A characteristic example of such an implementation is Instagram (Poulakidakos and Koutsikos, 2023). Specifically, the use of Instagram by politicians can be described as the production of visual flows of professional, personal, and private aspects, where the focus is on the politician’s everyday life (Ekman and Widholm, 2017: 29; Hernandez, 2022). The strategic use of social media in political communication, such as sharing personal information and photos, as well as instances of daily routines, cultivates a sense of “proximity” between politicians and their followers (Moir, 2023: 2), and contributes to the formation of “(perceived) political authenticity” (Enli 2015; Enli and Rosenberg, 2018; Shane, 2018; Luebke, 2021). According to Luebke and Engelmann (2023) perceived political authenticity” is a process that is performed, mediated, and perceived (by the audiences), incorporating elements of ordinariness, immediacy and “consistency”.Footnote 1

As previous research has shownFootnote 2, Instagram posts may include various expressions of private moments of politicians with friends and family (Cervi et al. 2021), personal, semi-professional, and professional aspects of political life (e.g., the portrayal of daily routines), political events (e.g. public speeches), media appearances, events with celebrities, and protests (Ekman and Widholm, 2017: 21). In this way, politicians create strategically designed collections of visual flows (photos and videos) where they share moments of their political practice and private life (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019). Posting interpersonal content on Instagram allows each politician to establish a “para-social” relationship with their followers (Avedissian, 2016: 6), in order to appeal to the public.

TikTok as a tool for political communication

TikTok is the newest social media app politicians are joining in order to generate favorable views from potential voters (Hernandez, 2022: 2), especially young people (Zamora‐Medina et al. 2023: 218). Through TikTok, politicians seek to address the youngest groups of politically active citizens since almost half of the TikTok users worldwide are approximately up to 24 years of age (Haenlein et al. 2020; Weimann and Masri, 2020; Cervi et al. 2023). Another reason behind politicians’ endorsement of TikTok is the fact that the younger generation believes that politicians are more honest and authentic on social media than on mainstream media (Hernandez, 2022: 6).

TikTok video-sharing app has quickly evolved into one of the most used SMPs globally, with over two billion downloads. With a young audience usually under 25 years old, TikTok is known not only as a place of entertainment videos but also as a place for organizational communication and influence on the public from different social actors (Guinaudeau et al. 2020; Cervi et al. 2021). TikTok represents the synthesis of several powerful trends in social media: a feed that displays many distinct pieces of content; audiovisual content; algorithmic recommendation that structures the user’s experience to a greater extent than any major social media platform to date; and a mobile-only interface designed to take advantage of a smartphone’s user-facing camera (Guinaudeau et al. 2020: 3).

Based on these affordances, politics-related videos quickly became a popular trend (Hernandez, 2022: 1). Politicians and their media teams use TikTok in their attempt to create a trusting relationship with potential voters. They create content that will target their audience’s beliefs and influence their opinions. The variety of communicative forms on TikTok presents politicians with a plethora of strategies to communicate effectively. By tapping into these styles, politicians can achieve broader reach and deeper engagement and foster a genuine connection with a diverse demographic on the platform (Sapag et al. 2023; Umansky and Pipal, 2023: 6).

More specifically, relevant research has shown that the kind of personalization Generation Z wants to see from political actors on visual platforms is based on a backstage culture, showing not only their daily activity but also how they feel about it (Zamora‐Medina et al. 2023: 219). TikTok’s platform demands a more personal involvement from politicians in the content production process, placing themselves at the center stage (Umansky and Pipal, 2023: 5). In this sense, the video-centric rationale of TikTok has offered politicians additional ways to articulate their policies and beliefs, like explanatory and documentary styles, that may be presented in a humorous way (Umansky and Pipal, 2023).

The further intensification of the prioritization of celebrity-like performativity over dialogue on TikTok is asserted by the fact that, according to various researchers, political actors concentrate on the performativity side of the platform rather than using it as a tool for direct communication with the electorate. Cervi et al. (2021) focused on the use of TikTok by political parties and found out that only a small number of parties have effectively leveraged the platform’s features to enhance communication/interaction with the citizens, a finding which is quite similar to previous research on the use of Twitter/X and Instagram in Greece (Poulakidakos and Veneti, 2016; Poulakidakos and Koutsikos, 2023). The majority of politicians appear to primarily employ TikTok for promotional purposes, resulting in a trend toward politainment (Cervi et al. 2023: 204; Salazar, 2023). In other words, it appears that politainment content, capitalizing on the platform’s entertainment dimension, is the preferred type of content by candidates in their quest for visibility (Cervi et al. 2023: 213).

Research question(s)—research hypotheses

Based on our theoretical background, the main research question is how the leaders of Greece’s three major political parties -Kyriakos Mitsotakis of New Democracy, Alexis Tsipras and Stefanos Kasselakis of SYRIZA/Coalition of the Radical Left, and Nikos Androulakis of PASOK/Movement for Change- seek to craft (visual) bonds with their (perspective) voters/audiences through their TikTok videos on their personal accounts. More specifically, we examine the posts of the aforementioned politicians from the beginning of their TikTok activity till March 15, 2024, including electoral and non-electoral periodsFootnote 3. In total we gathered 591 TikTok posts (videos+captions) published in the accounts of Kyriakos Mitsotakis (96), Alexis Tsipras (306)/ Stefanos Kasselakis (44), and Nikos Androulakis (145), since the beginning of their TikTok activityFootnote 4. The data entry part of the research was conducted between February 10 and March 15, 2024. Our coding unit is the TikTok post, hence the video, along with its caption (if it exists). Each post is coded according to the variables outlined in the following research hypotheses and research questions, which stem from our discussion of the literature on the use SMP’s and, more specifically, of TikTok as a political communication tools:

(H1) As previous research has shown (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019; Poulakidakos and Koutsikos, 2023), we expect that through their posts the politicians will seek primarily to “construct” a positive self-image, rather than “attack” their political opponents.

(H2) Since the use of SMPs is focused on political individualization and/or privatization (Van Aelst et al. (2011), we expect that the vast majority of the posts in each politician’s account will include a depiction of the politician himself.

In addition, we will seek to answer some additional research questions:

(Q1) How intense is the effort of the politicians to connect symbolically with various social actors? Connectivity stands for a strategy that creates symbolic ties between individual politicians and various spheres of society, from the micro-political level of the family to the macro-political level of global international relations (Ekman and Widholm, 2017), usually by depicting politicians to interact with other actors (e.g. dialogues with citizens, handshakes and meetings with politicians). To review this aspect, focusing on the macro-political level, we have created the “connectivity index”, comprised of five (5) variables (depiction of the politicians with): (1) other politicians (either allies or opponents), (2) media professionals (e.g. journalists), (3) celebrities (e.g. actors, athletes, musicians), (4) non-political actors (scientists, civil society representatives, business actors, etc.) or, (5) citizens?

(Q2) How intense is the effort of the politicians to present the viewers with instances of their political activities (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019) (both official and unofficial)? To this end, we have formed the “political performance index”, including eight (8) variables: (1) Is the video presenting an “official” (e.g. policy announcement, speech, official meeting) occasion? (2) Are there any (own) policy proposals mentioned? (3) Are there any mentions to other political parties and their (proposed) policies/actions in order to criticize them? (4) Does the video include political performances? (e.g. public speeches)? (5) Does the video include party content (posters, ads)? (6) Does the video include daily professional footage (meetings and other day-to-day duties/tasks)? (7) Does the video include attendance in public demonstrations? (8) Does the video include media appearance(s) (e.g., interviews)?

(Q3) How intense is the effort of the politicians to present themselves as “ordinary” people? Ordinariness refers to the quality or state of being ordinary, common, usual, or typical (Luebke, 2021; Luebke and Engelmann, 2023). The concept of ordinariness is closely tied to routine, familiarity, and the mundane aspects of life that are shared by most people. In its potentially positive effect, ordinariness may be appreciated for its simplicity and relatability, allowing people to connect with one another over shared experiences and commonalities. To this end, the “ordinariness scale” has been created, consisting of seven (7) variables: (1) Is the video providing information on the function of political procedures (explanatory video)? (2) Does the content of the video include humoristic elements? (3) Does the video present the politician on an unofficial occasion (e.g. not in official meetings)? (4) Does the video include personal (non) political footage (non-political moments-only the politician or her/his captured moments) (individualization)? (5) Does the video include family and friends’ footage (privatization)? (6) Do politicians address viewers directly (looking straight into the camera)? (7) Do politicians answer specific questions received by TikTok users and/or the public?

(Q4) To what extent are the different communicative styles (connectivity, political performance, ordinariness) associated with viewer engagement? To figure out the potential relationship between these parameters, we have created the “viewer engagement scale,” which includes the number of views, likes, comments, and favorites and sharesFootnote 5 of the videos of the four politicians of our research.

Methodology

The current research employs quantitative content analysis as its methodology. This approach involves the systematic examination of message characteristics using scientific criteria (Kyriazi, 2001; Neuendorf, 2002). Quantitative content analysis is a reproducible technique that categorizes the content of various message formats (such as text, images, and sound) into fewer meaningful categories, guided by specific coding rules (Miller and Brewer, 2003; Stemler, 2001). This allows researchers to analyze large datasets systematically. Its versatility in analyzing various types of “texts” makes content analysis a valuable research tool. The primary focus of content analysis is to systematically examine the content of the unit of analysis (such as text, images, videos, news items, and advertisements) (Berelson, 1971). As already mentioned, in our study, the unit of analysis is TikTok posts, comprising both the video and its caption (if any), for a total of 591 TikTok posts published in the accounts of the politicians of our research. These posts are examined based on predefined research hypotheses and additional research questions. The quantitative analysis of the posts was conducted using SPSS 29, with appropriate statistical tests, including the chi-square test, t-test, ANOVA, and correlation analysis applied to assess similarities and differences in the TikTok communication strategies of the politicians under investigation (Field, 2017). According to our sample size (591 research units), our confidence interval is 95%.

Results

(H1) We expect that through their posts the politicians will seek primarily to “construct” a positive self-image, rather than “attack” their political opponents (partially accepted).

As already mentioned, relevant previous research on Instagram has shown that (Greek) politicians -independent of their political role- prioritized their self-presentation in a positive way over the “attack” against political opponents (Poulakidakos and Koutsikos, 2023). According to Fig. 1, Kyriakos Mitsotakis (the incumbent prime minister) appears to be almost totally dedicated to constructing a positive self-image, while the opposition leaders try to “balance” their TikTok strategy between a positive presentation of the self (mostly in the case of Nikos Androulakis) and attack to political opponents (mostly by Alexis Tsipras and Stefanos Kasselakis), mainly Kyriakos Mitsotakis. Thus, the rationale of confrontation (Lopez Fernandez, 2022: 223) is chosen mostly by the opposition leaders, who use it in order to serve their communication purposes. This finding suggests a usage pattern on TikTok reminiscent of the communication strategy observed on Twitter/X posts (Poulakidakos and Veneti, 2016), where opposition leaders primarily aim to undermine their political opponents rather than focus on portraying themselves positively, as seen in relevant research on Instagram. This observation underscores the significance of spoken content in TikTok videos and highlights a key distinction between TikTok and Instagram. Despite both platforms being image-centric (utilizing still images and videos), the use of spoken language in TikTok videos might be employed to “attack” political opponents, more akin to the approach seen on Twitter/X.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Positive self-image or “attack” to political opponents per politician (chi-square p value < 0.001).

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In terms of the different periods of our research (non-electoral vs. electoral), our results demonstrate that politicians seek to develop a positive self-image more systematically during the electoral period (Fig. 2). This is a rather interesting finding, especially for the polarized Greek political scene, in which the rationale of mutual blaming is a common practice (Poulakidakos and Veneti, 2016), especially during pre-electoral periods. Politicians in TikTok appear to have prioritized—at least during the 2023 general elections period—the promotion of their own image over the “attack” against their political opponents.

Fig. 2
figure 2

Positive self-image or “attack” to political opponents per politician (chi-square p value < 0.001).

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Both Figs. 1 and 2 lead us to partially accept our first hypothesis, since among all politicians, Kyriakos Mitsotakis and—to a lesser extent—Nikos Androulakis focus on the cultivation of a positive self image, while Alexis Tsipras and Stefanos Kasselakis appear to primarily “attack” their political opponent(s). In a similar vein, the creation of a positive self-image seems to dominate the electoral period, but not the non-electoral period.

(H2) We expect that the vast majority of the posts in each politician’s account will include a depiction of the politician her/himself (accepted).

While it may seem obvious that politicians in SMPs prioritize self-depiction, previous research indicates that even on the visually oriented platform Instagram, political content often takes precedence over personal appearance. For instance, Fofi Gennimata’s posts, nearly half of which featured party material (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019), exemplify this trend. TikTok posts, though, tend to place a greater emphasis on the self-presentation of politicians. As demonstrated in Fig. 3, the vast majority of posts (up to 99% for Kyriakos Mitsotakis) depict politicians either alone or with other people. Hence, the propagation of the political image appears to be more personified than ever before.

Fig. 3
figure 3

Self-depiction of the politicians in their posts (chi-square p value = 0.121).

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(Q1) How intense is the effort of the politicians to connect with various social actors?

The connectivity of politicians with different actors (other politicians, celebrities, citizens) appears to be a strategy that seeks to create symbolic ties between individual politicians and various spheres of society (Ekman and Widholm, 2017). According to Table 1, Alexis Tsipras appears to demonstrate his connection to various actors with a mean of 0.5 connectivity instances per post, followed by Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Nikos Androulakis, both with 0.41 connectivity instances per post. The maximum number of connectivity instances per politician found in several posts is two, while the minimum is zero. On his behalf, Stefanos Kasselakis does not seem to rely much on connectivity through his posts (mean of 0.16 connectivity instances per post).

Table 1 Index of connectivity instances, per politician (Welch p value < 0.001, Brown–Forsythe p value = 0.004).
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In addition, as shown in Table 2, the connectivity instances—as anticipated—increase significantly during the electoral period of our study, since politicians are on tour meeting both officially and unofficially with various social groups.

Table 2 Index of connectivity instances of politicians, per period (t-test p value < 0.001).
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Seeking to obtain a more detailed picture of the connectivity instances for each politician, we found out that in the vast majority of such instances, all politicians seek to connect with citizens-potential voters, with Alexis Tsipras seeking to depict more systematically this aspect compared to the rest of the politicians of our research in almost 40% of his videos (Table 3). This finding differs partially from previous research on Instagram, according to which opposition leaders appeared more eager to connect with citizens, while the then-prime minister Alexis Tsipras underlined his connectivity with other politicians (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019).

Table 3 Depicted connectivity of the politicians (per politician).
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(Q2) How intense is the effort of the politicians to present the viewers with instances of their political activities (both official and unofficial)?

As Table 4 shows, politicians present the viewers with several instances of their political activities. Nikos Androulakis with a mean of 1.54 political instances per video, and Stefanos Kasselakis with 1.43 political instances per video, appear to be more extrovert in terms of presenting their political activities.

Table 4 Index of political activity instances of politicians, per politician (Brown-Forsythe/Welch p value = 0.001).
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In terms of the political activity of the politicians, the fact that the projection of political instances is being reduced during the electoral period of our research signifies a rationale of “depoliticization” of the content uploaded by the politicians of our research before the elections (Table 5). Hence, politicians appear to rely on depoliticized content during the most “critical” periods (pre-election), further reinforcing the depoliticization of publicly articulated political discourse. This reduction, though, does not appear to be a statistically significant one.

Table 5 Index of political activity instances, per period (t-test p value = 0.086).
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A more detailed overview on the specific instances of political activity promoted by the politicians is provided in Table 6. As it emerges from our data entry, the reference to policies or political proposals of rivals in order to criticize them is implemented mainly by the leaders of the opposition parties of SYRIZA (Alexis Tsipras, Stefanos Kasselakis), and PASOK (Nikos Androulakis). On the other hand, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, being the incumbent prime minister, seeks to praise his own government policies.

Table 6 Projected political activity instances (per politician).
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(Q3) How intense is the effort of the politicians to present themselves as “ordinary” people?

As already mentioned, ordinariness refers to the quality or state of being ordinary, common, usual, or typical (Luebke, 2021; Luebke and Engelmann, 2023). The concept of ordinariness is closely tied to routine, familiarity, and the mundane aspects of life that are shared by most people. This “ordinariness” rationale includes -among others- a “depoliticization” of political discourse and an increased infotainment rationale since it combines humor, individualization, and privatization of political figures (Ekman and Widholm, 2017; Umansky and Pipal, 2023). According to Table 7, Kyriakos Mitsotakis is the one who “invests” more in crafting an “ordinary” profile, followed by Stefanos Kasselakis. On the other hand, Nikos Androulakis and Alexis Tsipras do not appear to invest that much in the creation of an “ordinary” persona through their TikTok posts.

Table 7 Ordinariness index per politician (Brown–Forsythe/Welch p value < 0.001).
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As regards the distinction between electoral and non-electoral periods, the rationale of ordinariness appears to be significantly increased during electoral periods (Table 8). This result appears to be aligned with the depoliticization of the articulated political discourse through TikTok.

Table 8 Ordinariness index per period (t-test p value < 0.001).
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According to Table 9, Alexis Tsipras is mostly making use of humoristic elements (in 59 posts), while Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Nikos Androulakis and Stefanos Kasselakis choose to “build” their ordinariness mainly through addressing the TikTok users in a direct way (Mitsotakis-58 posts, Androulakis-14 posts, Kasselakis 32 posts). We have to note at this point that this direct address is by far the most prevalent method used by Stefanos Kasselakis since he has used this method in 32 out of a total of 44 posts included in our research (approximately 73%). Notwithstanding the existence of videos addressing directly the users of TikTok, politicians seem rather reluctant to engage in a dialogue with the users, since only a limited number of videos show politicians answering user/citizen questions (four videos for Alexis Tsipras and 13 videos for Kyriakos Mitsotakis and none for the other two political leaders).

Table 9 Projected ordinariness instance (per politician).
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(Q4) To what extent are the different communicative styles (connectivity, political performance, ordinariness) associated with viewer engagement?

Seeking to assess the different communication styles of the politicians, according to the different indexes created for the sake of the current research (connectivity, political performance, ordinariness) in terms of their correlation to the viewer engagement scale (views+likes+comments+shares), we have conducted a correlation analysis. According to Table 10, the viewer engagement scale has a strong positive correlation with the index of ordinariness, while the viewer engagement scale has a weak negative correlation with the index of political activity. Thus, on the one hand, the greater the inclusion of “ordinariness” elements in a video/post, the higher the level of user engagement with that content. On the other hand, the more “political” a video/post becomes, the lower its viewer engagement tends to be. As far as the connectivity index is concerned, it does not seem to have any statistically significant correlation with the viewer engagement scale.

Table 10 Correlations of different communicative styles with viewer engagement scale.
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Discussion–conclusions–limitations

Our research has examined the visual communication strategies in TikTok of the party leaders of the three biggest—in terms of their parliamentary power—Greek political parties (Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Alexis Tsipras/Stefanos Kasselakis, and Nikos Androulakis). Though TikTok has existed since 2016, Greek politicians seem to have taken advantage of it as a strategic communication tool rather recently, since 2022, and even more systematically during the electoral year of 2023, making TikTok the latest “weapon” in their arsenal, allowing them to communicate their political messages. TikTok is here to stay, enriching digital propagandistic strategies with new content and communication methods.

In terms of the communication strategies followed by the politicians in our research, we have categorized the various instances included in the politicians’ TikTok videos in three different categories: First, the rationale of connectivity, depicting politicians in direct contact with various social groups (Ekman and Widholm, 2017). Second, the rationale of “politicization” through the presentation of instances of political activities through the uploaded videos (Holtz-Bacha, Langer, and Merkle, 2014), and third, the rationale of ordinariness (Luebke 2021; Luebke and Engelmann, 2023), which includes individualization and personalization of the political figure, along with stylistic elements, like humor and “backstage” videos (Umansky and Pipal, 2023; Zamora‐Medina et al. 2023). This method denotes an—at least partial—depoliticization of public political discourse. This categorization, introduced in the current paper, can be used to conduct research on the communication methods used by politicians in TikTok and other SMPs.

The study suggests that implementing a strategy of ordinariness positively impacts viewer engagement with the platform’s videos. This finding underscores the importance of interpersonal communication strategies in driving audience interaction and suggests potential implications for political marketing efforts on TikTok.

With the exception of Stefanos Kasselakis, all other political leaders strive to establish connections with various social groups, particularly citizens, at a similar rate. There has been a notable number of videos featuring Mitsotakis, Tsipras, and Androulakis interacting with civilians from different cities across Greece, especially during the electoral period under study. The absence of similar videos from Stefanos Kasselakis might be attributed to the fact that, as the leader of SYRIZA, he has not yet participated in any elections. However, given his purported goal of fostering “unmediated” communication with the electorate, it is expected that connectivity videos will increase on his account in the (near) future.

Regarding political engagements, Nikos Androulakis and Stefanos Kasselakis seem to feature political instances in their videos, with each averaging approximately 1.5 instances per video, aiming to bolster their political profiles as the most recently elected leaders among those studied. Political instances are also present, to a slightly lesser extent, in the videos of Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Alexis Tsipras.

A notable contrast in communication strategies emerges between Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Stefanos Kasselakis on one hand, and Alexis Tsipras and Nikos Androulakis on the other. Mitsotakis and Kasselakis seem to systematically employ attributes of ordinariness to foster a close relationship with TikTok users, whereas Tsipras and Androulakis rely more on connectivity methods and do not actively seek direct engagement with TikTok users, at least for the time being.

Despite efforts by several politicians to cultivate a rationale of bonding with TikTok users, the level of interaction between politicians and their followers is practically non-existent, even during the electoral period, since there are very few videos showing politicians directly answering questions from users or citizens (Lopez Fernandez, 2022: 222).

Overall, the results indicate a somewhat conventional use of TikTok in political communication. Trends observed in the TikTok accounts of Greek political leaders include personalization and privatization of candidates, humor, challenges, presentation of political aspects, and confrontation and attacks between political rivals. While TikTok offers a new digital platform for showcasing political content and speeches (Lopez Fernandez, 2022, p. 221), in Greece, it does not, as of yet, facilitate direct dialogue between politicians and users or civilians, consistent with previous research findings on Instagram (Poulakidakos and Giannouli, 2019).

All in all, the current study seeks to enhance our understanding on how politicians utilize specific social media platforms (SMPs), in this case, TikTok, to communicate various types of information. This focus on platform specificity is crucial as different platforms have distinct features and user demographics, which can influence communication strategies.

In addition, it emphasizes the creation of “visual flows” on TikTok, aiming to craft visual bonds between politicians and users. This aspect adds to the literature by exploring how politicians leverage the unique visual and interactive nature of TikTok to connect with audiences on a personal level, potentially shaping public perceptions and engagement.

By comparing the communication strategies of politicians from different political parties across electoral and non-electoral periods, the research aims to identify specific trends and similarities/differences in messaging tactics. This approach contributes to understanding the evolving nature of political communication in the digital age, particularly on emerging platforms like TikTok. On top of that, the comparison with relevant results from Instagram allows for a broader examination of visual communication strategies across different platforms, providing insights into commonalities and distinctions in how politicians present themselves and engage with audiences online.

While our research endeavors to provide insights, it is important to acknowledge its limitations. The limited number of TikTok videos featuring Stefanos Kasselakis is notable, given his recent entry into the Greek political landscape in late September 2023. To develop a more comprehensive understanding of Kasselakis’s communication strategy on TikTok, a larger sample of videos is necessary, ideally during an electoral period as well.

In addition, it is evident that the analysis of a rapidly evolving social network like TikTok cannot be confined to a single study. Future research should encompass a broader range of politicians, including leaders of smaller parties and party members. Additionally, investigating TikTok users’ responses to politicians’ content is essential to evaluate their perceptions and comments regarding online political communication strategies. Expanding the scope of research to include user feedback will provide valuable insights into the effectiveness and impact of political messaging on TikTok.